1. a. What is the source of the story/information? That is, where you read about it: media source + date published + headline title
Center for American Progress February 8, 2010 “A New Sheriff Cleans Up Federal Lands”
b. Who is telling the story?
Tom Kenworthy who is a journalist for Center for American Progress
2. What appears to be the issue(s)?
The handling of oil and gas leases by head of the Department of Interior Ken Salazar.
3. What appears to be the cause(s) of the conflict?
Ken Salazar has been doing most things the opposite of the way that the previous administration did them and the oil and gas industry doesn’t like this.
4. a. Who all is involved in the conflict (stakeholders/parties)? Why are they involved? (this may touch on #4c)
Ken Salazar- He is the head of the Department of Interior and has the most control over federal land management decisions. He is involved because his staff and himself are the primary people that can make it legal to have a gas or oil operation in the United States.
Gas and Oil Industry:
They are involved because they are having to work a lot harder to get leases for oil and gas.
b.What does each “side” want? (how each side wants the conflict resolved--their position).
Ken Salazar: He wants his agencies to make the development of renewable energy a priority.
He wants to ensure that federal land management decisions respond effectively to climate change.
He wants to clean up the scandal-plagued Minerals Management Service.
Gas and Oil Industry:
They want scientists with expertise in natural and oil development to dictate where energy development should occur which they say would result in more leases being approved.
c.What are each “side’s” underlying concerns or needs (their interests)--if it is not stated, then give your best guess.
Ken Salazar: To promote sustainable actions that will help combat climate change through his management of federal land.
Gas and Oil Industry:
Want to keep their livelihood provided by their employment in the gas and oil industry.
5. a. How is the conflict being handled? (e.g. litigation, parties talking to each other, a vote….)
Salazar is receiving many industry criticisms. But Salazar, to his credit, has not backed away under industry criticisms, calling them “poison and deceptive.” Oil and gas interests, he said, “do not own the nation’s public lands; taxpayers do.”
b. Where (at what stage) are they in that process?
Salazar is trying to do the three things described in fourb and other actions despite industry criticism.
6. Why did you pick this conflict to write about? (Why does this particular conflict interest you?).
I don’t know if I agree with his decisions about the salmon issues but I am very glad he
is instructing his agencies to make the development of renewable energy a priority and he wants to clean up the scandal-plagued Minerals Management Service. His other goals sound like good goals too.
Tuesday, August 31, 2010
Metal plating industry under fire for dumping PFCs in sewers
1. A) What is the source of the story/information? That is, where you read about it: media source + date published + headline title
Chicago Tribune Published: Monday, Feb. 1, 2010
“Metal plating industry under fire for dumping PFCs in sewers”
b)By Michael Hawthorne, a Journalist from the Chicago Tribune
2. What appears to be the issue(s)?
PFC contamination has been found in various areas. PFCs wash unfiltered through sewage treatment plants into lakes and streams. The chemicals don't break down in the environment, and traces are showing up in the blood of people and wildlife around the globe. They are so resilient that it takes years for the chemicals to be excreted from the human body.
3.What appears to be the cause(s) of the conflict?
Metal platers have been granted by President Bush to be allowed to continue using PFCs without regulations and the EPA wants them to have to follow regulations now.
4.
a. Who all is involved in the conflict (stakeholders/parties)? Why are they involved?
• EPA
They want to see where the PFCs are accumulating and then want alternatives (ex switching to a PFC-free solution that also prevents chromium from bubbling out of its plating vats) to be adopted immediately where the PFCs are accumulating.
They say the solutions are already here because at least one of the nation's largest metal platers already has switched to a solution that is significantly less toxic.
Career staff at the EPA are urging the Obama administration to crack down on the use of PFCs by the metal plating industry, which coats chrome automotive bumpers, wheels and other parts.
• metal plating industry
Industry representatives contend they need time to test PFC-free chemicals, though. They don’t want to have new regulation passed until they feel they have had a chance to make sure that the new alternatives won’t cause other problems.
b.What does each “side” want? (how each side wants the conflict resolved--their position).
• EPA
Want the Obama administration to crack down on the use of PFCs by the metal plating industry or give them permission to do it.
• metal plating industry
Want things to be done in a cost-effective manner instead of timed manner. They say they don’t want to introduce something new and then be liable for cleaning it up if it turns out to be too toxic.
c.What are each “side’s” underlying concerns or needs (their interests)--if it is not stated, then give your best guess.
• EPA
Protect the public health by making sure that PFCs and hexavalent chromium are taken out of the metal plating industry and substituted with other less toxic developed alternatives.
• metal plating industry
They want to stay unregulated so that they can have freedom of choice in the materials that are used to make the products of their company. They want to make the most profit possible in the way that they consider to be the safest. Unless they have already stopped using the chemicals, they don’t want to be forced to stop using the chemicals unless it is going to make the business more profitable.
6. Why did you pick this conflict to write about? (Why does this particular conflict interest you?).
I am interested in how much power the EPA really has and how they use their power.
Chicago Tribune Published: Monday, Feb. 1, 2010
“Metal plating industry under fire for dumping PFCs in sewers”
b)By Michael Hawthorne, a Journalist from the Chicago Tribune
2. What appears to be the issue(s)?
PFC contamination has been found in various areas. PFCs wash unfiltered through sewage treatment plants into lakes and streams. The chemicals don't break down in the environment, and traces are showing up in the blood of people and wildlife around the globe. They are so resilient that it takes years for the chemicals to be excreted from the human body.
3.What appears to be the cause(s) of the conflict?
Metal platers have been granted by President Bush to be allowed to continue using PFCs without regulations and the EPA wants them to have to follow regulations now.
4.
a. Who all is involved in the conflict (stakeholders/parties)? Why are they involved?
• EPA
They want to see where the PFCs are accumulating and then want alternatives (ex switching to a PFC-free solution that also prevents chromium from bubbling out of its plating vats) to be adopted immediately where the PFCs are accumulating.
They say the solutions are already here because at least one of the nation's largest metal platers already has switched to a solution that is significantly less toxic.
Career staff at the EPA are urging the Obama administration to crack down on the use of PFCs by the metal plating industry, which coats chrome automotive bumpers, wheels and other parts.
• metal plating industry
Industry representatives contend they need time to test PFC-free chemicals, though. They don’t want to have new regulation passed until they feel they have had a chance to make sure that the new alternatives won’t cause other problems.
b.What does each “side” want? (how each side wants the conflict resolved--their position).
• EPA
Want the Obama administration to crack down on the use of PFCs by the metal plating industry or give them permission to do it.
• metal plating industry
Want things to be done in a cost-effective manner instead of timed manner. They say they don’t want to introduce something new and then be liable for cleaning it up if it turns out to be too toxic.
c.What are each “side’s” underlying concerns or needs (their interests)--if it is not stated, then give your best guess.
• EPA
Protect the public health by making sure that PFCs and hexavalent chromium are taken out of the metal plating industry and substituted with other less toxic developed alternatives.
• metal plating industry
They want to stay unregulated so that they can have freedom of choice in the materials that are used to make the products of their company. They want to make the most profit possible in the way that they consider to be the safest. Unless they have already stopped using the chemicals, they don’t want to be forced to stop using the chemicals unless it is going to make the business more profitable.
6. Why did you pick this conflict to write about? (Why does this particular conflict interest you?).
I am interested in how much power the EPA really has and how they use their power.
Steady flow of conflicting views marks Delta debate in Davis
1. a. What is the source of the story/information? That is, where you read about it: media source + date published + headline title
“Steady flow of conflicting views marks Delta debate in Davis”
Published: Wednesday, Jan. 27, 2010 from the Sacramento Bee
b. Who is telling the story?
(is it a journalist for that media source? Is it a public service announcement? Is it a story/propaganda from one of the stakeholders?)
By Matt Weiser journalist for the Sacramento Bee
2. What appears to be the issue(s)?
People disagree on much water can be diverted from the Delta and still maintain Delta smelt and two species of salmon in the Delta at a capacity so that they can reproduce at their natural rate.
3. What appears to be the cause(s) of the conflict?
Many people don’t like the current water rules and so a 15-member panel appointed by the National Academy of Sciences must analyze federal rules protecting imperiled fish, including Delta smelt and two species of salmon. The environment of the public meetings is hostile because everyone has different interests and it is very hard or impossible to fully satisfy everyone’s interest in this problem; so the panel probably has to determine the interests that are the most important and start satisfying those first. Everyone is fighting to be the most important or to make the parties that are the most important right now less important.
4. a. Who all is involved in the conflict (stakeholders/parties)? Why are they involved? (this may touch on #4c)
• federal science panel
To determine whether the federal rules are adequate or inadequate
If they are inadequate how should they be changed?
Why are they involved? They have been appointed to do this
• Water agencies in the San Joaquin Valley and Southern California
They don't like current rules because they focus largely on reducing Delta water diversions.
Why are they involved? They people in their districts want the same amount of water or more water and if they don’t get it from the Delta they will have to figure out somewhere else to get it from that will probably be more costly.
• Other water agencies
They want less fall freshwater flows to the ocean.
This would increase Delta Water exports.
Why are they involved? They people in their districts want the same amount of water or more water and if they don’t get it from the Delta they will have to figure out somewhere else to get it from that will probably be more costly.
• fisheries biologist
Diversions should be avoided because they are the primary threat to the survival of the fish.
Water diversions can cause problems for water agencies that the water agencies classify as “stressors" , including invasive species and poor water quality.
Why are they involved? They don’t want the fish to become endangered or extinct. They probably either like to fish, eat fish or do both too.
• other scientists
They support the view of the fisheries biologists
The decline in Delta fish began in about 2001. Why are they involved? They don’t want the fish to become endangered or extinct. Scientists fear it marks a collapse of the whole ecosystem that may ultimately affect human health.
• Wildlife agencies
They ordered fall outflows increased to improve fish habitat.
This has the side effect of reducing Delta water exports.
Why are they involved? They don’t want the fish to become endangered or extinct.
• Farmers
Why are they involved? If they don’t get water from the Delta they will probably have to get it in another way that will be more money or too expensive.
b.What does each “side” want? (how each side wants the conflict resolved--their position).
• federal science panel
Want to make their two reports
• Water agencies in the San Joaquin Valley and Southern California and other water agencies
They want rules to be changed to have less fall freshwater flows to the ocean.
This would increase Delta Water exports
• fisheries biologist
They want the federal science panel to realize that fish protections reduced water exports from the Delta about 10 percent last year, according to state and federal water officials. The drought caused cuts twice as large.
They don’t want the current laws about how much water the fish receive to be changed.
The amount of water we expect to export from the system has to be reduced.
• other scientists
They want to reduce the amount of water we export from the system.
They don’t want the current laws to be changed.
• Wildlife agencies
They want fall outflows increased to improve fish habitat.
• Farmers
They only want the water they don’t need for the crops to be used for creating the fish habitat.
c.What are each “side’s” underlying concerns or needs (their interests)--if it is not stated, then give your best guess.
• federal science panel
They want to do their job successfully and want to receive approval from the people that pay them.
• Water agencies in the San Joaquin Valley and Southern California and other water agencies
They want to get the amount of water that they need for their agencies in the cheapest way possible.
To receive approval from the people that use the water provided by their agency.
• fisheries biologist
They want the fish to become and stay healthy.
They want to get all the species of fish as healthy as the political system will give them power to and preferably to reproduce at a level that will prevent them from being listed as a threatened or endangered species.
• other scientists
They want the fish to become and stay healthy.
They want to get all the species of fish as healthy as the political system will give them power to and preferably to reproduce at a level that will prevent them from being listed as a threatened or endangered species.
• Wildlife agencies
They want the fish to become and stay healthy.
They want to get all the species of fish as healthy as the political system will give them power to and preferably to reproduce at a level that will prevent them from being listed as a threatened or endangered species.
They want fall outflows increased to improve fish habitat.
• Farmers
They want to be able to keep their livelihood and their profession as farmers while making a decent amount of money and not changing the way they farm or what they farm. They want to not have to stop farming because they don’t have enough water.
5. a. How is the conflict being handled? (e.g. litigation, parties talking to each other, a vote….)
b. Where (at what stage) are they in that process?
a) The panel will decide (after hearing the testimonies at the public meetings) what the new law should be in two reports – one in March and a second 18 months later .
b)The federal science panel has held their third day of public meetings.
6. Why did you pick this conflict to write about? (Why does this particular conflict interest you?).
I want to get all the species of fish as healthy as the political system will give them power to and preferably to reproduce at a level that will prevent them from being listed as a threatened or endangered species. I wish people would focus on how to make alternative uses of water more conventional and how to make people pay more for having really inefficient uses of like having lawns in the front and back yards of people in places where they barely get any rain all year like some places in Southern CA.
“Steady flow of conflicting views marks Delta debate in Davis”
Published: Wednesday, Jan. 27, 2010 from the Sacramento Bee
b. Who is telling the story?
(is it a journalist for that media source? Is it a public service announcement? Is it a story/propaganda from one of the stakeholders?)
By Matt Weiser journalist for the Sacramento Bee
2. What appears to be the issue(s)?
People disagree on much water can be diverted from the Delta and still maintain Delta smelt and two species of salmon in the Delta at a capacity so that they can reproduce at their natural rate.
3. What appears to be the cause(s) of the conflict?
Many people don’t like the current water rules and so a 15-member panel appointed by the National Academy of Sciences must analyze federal rules protecting imperiled fish, including Delta smelt and two species of salmon. The environment of the public meetings is hostile because everyone has different interests and it is very hard or impossible to fully satisfy everyone’s interest in this problem; so the panel probably has to determine the interests that are the most important and start satisfying those first. Everyone is fighting to be the most important or to make the parties that are the most important right now less important.
4. a. Who all is involved in the conflict (stakeholders/parties)? Why are they involved? (this may touch on #4c)
• federal science panel
To determine whether the federal rules are adequate or inadequate
If they are inadequate how should they be changed?
Why are they involved? They have been appointed to do this
• Water agencies in the San Joaquin Valley and Southern California
They don't like current rules because they focus largely on reducing Delta water diversions.
Why are they involved? They people in their districts want the same amount of water or more water and if they don’t get it from the Delta they will have to figure out somewhere else to get it from that will probably be more costly.
• Other water agencies
They want less fall freshwater flows to the ocean.
This would increase Delta Water exports.
Why are they involved? They people in their districts want the same amount of water or more water and if they don’t get it from the Delta they will have to figure out somewhere else to get it from that will probably be more costly.
• fisheries biologist
Diversions should be avoided because they are the primary threat to the survival of the fish.
Water diversions can cause problems for water agencies that the water agencies classify as “stressors" , including invasive species and poor water quality.
Why are they involved? They don’t want the fish to become endangered or extinct. They probably either like to fish, eat fish or do both too.
• other scientists
They support the view of the fisheries biologists
The decline in Delta fish began in about 2001. Why are they involved? They don’t want the fish to become endangered or extinct. Scientists fear it marks a collapse of the whole ecosystem that may ultimately affect human health.
• Wildlife agencies
They ordered fall outflows increased to improve fish habitat.
This has the side effect of reducing Delta water exports.
Why are they involved? They don’t want the fish to become endangered or extinct.
• Farmers
Why are they involved? If they don’t get water from the Delta they will probably have to get it in another way that will be more money or too expensive.
b.What does each “side” want? (how each side wants the conflict resolved--their position).
• federal science panel
Want to make their two reports
• Water agencies in the San Joaquin Valley and Southern California and other water agencies
They want rules to be changed to have less fall freshwater flows to the ocean.
This would increase Delta Water exports
• fisheries biologist
They want the federal science panel to realize that fish protections reduced water exports from the Delta about 10 percent last year, according to state and federal water officials. The drought caused cuts twice as large.
They don’t want the current laws about how much water the fish receive to be changed.
The amount of water we expect to export from the system has to be reduced.
• other scientists
They want to reduce the amount of water we export from the system.
They don’t want the current laws to be changed.
• Wildlife agencies
They want fall outflows increased to improve fish habitat.
• Farmers
They only want the water they don’t need for the crops to be used for creating the fish habitat.
c.What are each “side’s” underlying concerns or needs (their interests)--if it is not stated, then give your best guess.
• federal science panel
They want to do their job successfully and want to receive approval from the people that pay them.
• Water agencies in the San Joaquin Valley and Southern California and other water agencies
They want to get the amount of water that they need for their agencies in the cheapest way possible.
To receive approval from the people that use the water provided by their agency.
• fisheries biologist
They want the fish to become and stay healthy.
They want to get all the species of fish as healthy as the political system will give them power to and preferably to reproduce at a level that will prevent them from being listed as a threatened or endangered species.
• other scientists
They want the fish to become and stay healthy.
They want to get all the species of fish as healthy as the political system will give them power to and preferably to reproduce at a level that will prevent them from being listed as a threatened or endangered species.
• Wildlife agencies
They want the fish to become and stay healthy.
They want to get all the species of fish as healthy as the political system will give them power to and preferably to reproduce at a level that will prevent them from being listed as a threatened or endangered species.
They want fall outflows increased to improve fish habitat.
• Farmers
They want to be able to keep their livelihood and their profession as farmers while making a decent amount of money and not changing the way they farm or what they farm. They want to not have to stop farming because they don’t have enough water.
5. a. How is the conflict being handled? (e.g. litigation, parties talking to each other, a vote….)
b. Where (at what stage) are they in that process?
a) The panel will decide (after hearing the testimonies at the public meetings) what the new law should be in two reports – one in March and a second 18 months later .
b)The federal science panel has held their third day of public meetings.
6. Why did you pick this conflict to write about? (Why does this particular conflict interest you?).
I want to get all the species of fish as healthy as the political system will give them power to and preferably to reproduce at a level that will prevent them from being listed as a threatened or endangered species. I wish people would focus on how to make alternative uses of water more conventional and how to make people pay more for having really inefficient uses of like having lawns in the front and back yards of people in places where they barely get any rain all year like some places in Southern CA.
Active Listening Assignment
The first time I tried active listening it was difficult for me. I practiced active listening with my mom and dad over the phone. They were on speaker phone and I was on my cell phone. When I was talking with them, I had a hard time figuring out what was the appropriate number of questions to ask to empathize but not antagonize. Practicing active listening on my mom was difficult because I found it hard to empathize for the same reason state din the previous sentence with a slight difference. She was talking too fast for me to be able to understand why the thing that she was talking about really mattered. This made it harder to figure out the pertinent points to restate and I probably restated too much. This probably wouldn’t have created a problem for the average person but I was born with and have developed (from being exposed to environmental toxins and toxins from my mother not by abusing drugs and alcohol) a brain that processes information more slowly than the average person (a processing speed deficiency). For example, my brain is processing new information at forty miles per hour while the average person’s brain is processing information at fifty miles per hour. In addition, I felt like they weren’t giving me enough information to really practice active listening and it seemed like they didn’t want me to ask more questions. I probably should have asked more questions to figure out if the impression that they didn’t want me to ask more questions was correct. In this interaction, I became much more interested in what they were saying than I usually am. I didn’t ask a lot of questions to try to avoid antagonizing but I felt like this action cause me to assume more. I found out at the end of the conversation that they were leaving to go somewhere within the next hour and I assumed this meant that they didn’t want me to ask more questions but I probably should have asked them that directly.
I practiced active listening with my mom and dad for the second time and it was less difficult than the first time. They were on speaker phone and I was on my cell phone. This time I was in a sad and disappointed mood so I found it hard to ask the appropriate number of questions because it was taking a lot of effort to empathize with them, match their vocal qualities and not sound like the negative mood I was in. Even though I didn’t really ask any questions I feel like I got a very good description of what they had been doing lately. I could have restated more but I didn’t feel like I needed too because we were basically just talking about superficial stuff that we had done over the weekend. I responded with phrases such as “Oh that sounds fun. Did you take any pictures?”
I practiced active listening for the third time and it wasn’t difficult but it wasn’t easy. They were on speaker phone and I was on my cell phone. I had an easier time figuring out the appropriate number of questions to ask but I found it hard to reciprocate the right emotion at the right time in certain situations. When topics were familiar, like my brother finding a third person to live with, I found it very possible to empathize and reciprocate the right emotion at the right time. When topics were unfamiliar, like a CD that I am not familiar with that my dad got from a friend, I found it hard to ask questions plus reciprocate the right emotion at the right time. I could have restated things a little bit more but it seems like reciprocating the right emotion at the right time and saying phrases such as the one in the previous paragraph are forms of acknowledgment that can accomplish most of the same things if the conversation doesn’t involve serious topics.
When I told my parents about the assignment they said that they felt more heard but we both agreed that they could have felt more heard if there had been more free time in our schedules. They felt like I wanted to talk more than I usually do in our relationship. They said it felt good to them, they enjoyed it and they would like it if I get more assignments like this. They would prefer this communication to continue.
I noticed that I was really thinking about what they were saying to be able to ask more questions whereas usually I just let them talk until I feel like they are done talking and then I talk for a little bit and then the conversation ends. I think the use of active listening resulted in the other person changing how they listened to me a little bit but not in a significant way like I thought it would. I noticed that the relationship (even though it was over the phone felt less distant and more relaxed. Active listening got easier the more I practiced. I felt like I understood the person a little better but not a lot better because I have known my parents for so long and because our schedules were conflicting. I learned that I have more fun when I am actively listening to my parents than when I am not actively listening to my parents. In addition, I learned that active listening doesn’t work as well if people are talking fast because it makes it hard to have time to restate what they are saying; it makes it harder to realize the pertinent points and restate them and can encourage people to make assumptions.
I practiced active listening with my mom and dad for the second time and it was less difficult than the first time. They were on speaker phone and I was on my cell phone. This time I was in a sad and disappointed mood so I found it hard to ask the appropriate number of questions because it was taking a lot of effort to empathize with them, match their vocal qualities and not sound like the negative mood I was in. Even though I didn’t really ask any questions I feel like I got a very good description of what they had been doing lately. I could have restated more but I didn’t feel like I needed too because we were basically just talking about superficial stuff that we had done over the weekend. I responded with phrases such as “Oh that sounds fun. Did you take any pictures?”
I practiced active listening for the third time and it wasn’t difficult but it wasn’t easy. They were on speaker phone and I was on my cell phone. I had an easier time figuring out the appropriate number of questions to ask but I found it hard to reciprocate the right emotion at the right time in certain situations. When topics were familiar, like my brother finding a third person to live with, I found it very possible to empathize and reciprocate the right emotion at the right time. When topics were unfamiliar, like a CD that I am not familiar with that my dad got from a friend, I found it hard to ask questions plus reciprocate the right emotion at the right time. I could have restated things a little bit more but it seems like reciprocating the right emotion at the right time and saying phrases such as the one in the previous paragraph are forms of acknowledgment that can accomplish most of the same things if the conversation doesn’t involve serious topics.
When I told my parents about the assignment they said that they felt more heard but we both agreed that they could have felt more heard if there had been more free time in our schedules. They felt like I wanted to talk more than I usually do in our relationship. They said it felt good to them, they enjoyed it and they would like it if I get more assignments like this. They would prefer this communication to continue.
I noticed that I was really thinking about what they were saying to be able to ask more questions whereas usually I just let them talk until I feel like they are done talking and then I talk for a little bit and then the conversation ends. I think the use of active listening resulted in the other person changing how they listened to me a little bit but not in a significant way like I thought it would. I noticed that the relationship (even though it was over the phone felt less distant and more relaxed. Active listening got easier the more I practiced. I felt like I understood the person a little better but not a lot better because I have known my parents for so long and because our schedules were conflicting. I learned that I have more fun when I am actively listening to my parents than when I am not actively listening to my parents. In addition, I learned that active listening doesn’t work as well if people are talking fast because it makes it hard to have time to restate what they are saying; it makes it harder to realize the pertinent points and restate them and can encourage people to make assumptions.
asdascv
Stephanie Mott
NAS 332
Environmentalism and Economic Justice
2/23/10
A major part of the definition of subalternality is people being in economic marginality (34). “While subalternity denotes a general relationship of structured inequality resulting in a relationship of domination and subordination, the specific economic circumstances and relations may vary” (34).
“Questions of scale are crucial in identifying the various economic conditions that shape the physical environment, struggles, and identities” (35). “In this period of growing internationalization, we are all increasingly vulnerable to the aftershocks of decisions and events made in distant places” (Massey 1994) (35). “People and locales become displaced or thrown into poverty for reasons far beyond their individual control, such as investment patterns, political events, and decisions on the part of global financing” (35). “Uneven development refers to the spatial expression of capital’s patterns of investment and disinvestment which produce international, regional, and local sociospatial inequality” (35). “The results of disinvestment, or capital flight, include the loss of industry and jobs, increased levels of underemployment and unemployment, and growing poverty” (35). “Disinvestment may occur for a variety of reasons, such as militant unions, the existence of cheaper labor elsewhere, or a climate not considered sufficiently conducive to capital accumulation” (35).
In two case studies where places had large “capital investment” they were confronted with a host of new environmental problems, rapidly expanding infrastructure needs, and new sets of social relations (35). A case study ?in a place? where there was large “withdrawal of capital” the experience of disinvestment as described on pg 35 occurred (36).
“Moreover, specific forms of uneven development are associated with particular social relations (such as those found in colonialism) in which one place directly benefits from the resources of another, often leading to stunted or disarticulated economies” ( 36). Colonialism and contemporary uneven development help account for the immigration of Mexican workers to California ( 36). Mexican workers have been leaving a place of limited economic opportunity for a site of rich capital investment for decades ( 36).
“Place is as important as one’s skills and economic position in determining if and how one’s basic needs are met, and the degree of social and political power accompanying one’s economic status ( 36).
NAS 332
Environmentalism and Economic Justice
2/23/10
A major part of the definition of subalternality is people being in economic marginality (34). “While subalternity denotes a general relationship of structured inequality resulting in a relationship of domination and subordination, the specific economic circumstances and relations may vary” (34).
“Questions of scale are crucial in identifying the various economic conditions that shape the physical environment, struggles, and identities” (35). “In this period of growing internationalization, we are all increasingly vulnerable to the aftershocks of decisions and events made in distant places” (Massey 1994) (35). “People and locales become displaced or thrown into poverty for reasons far beyond their individual control, such as investment patterns, political events, and decisions on the part of global financing” (35). “Uneven development refers to the spatial expression of capital’s patterns of investment and disinvestment which produce international, regional, and local sociospatial inequality” (35). “The results of disinvestment, or capital flight, include the loss of industry and jobs, increased levels of underemployment and unemployment, and growing poverty” (35). “Disinvestment may occur for a variety of reasons, such as militant unions, the existence of cheaper labor elsewhere, or a climate not considered sufficiently conducive to capital accumulation” (35).
In two case studies where places had large “capital investment” they were confronted with a host of new environmental problems, rapidly expanding infrastructure needs, and new sets of social relations (35). A case study ?in a place? where there was large “withdrawal of capital” the experience of disinvestment as described on pg 35 occurred (36).
“Moreover, specific forms of uneven development are associated with particular social relations (such as those found in colonialism) in which one place directly benefits from the resources of another, often leading to stunted or disarticulated economies” ( 36). Colonialism and contemporary uneven development help account for the immigration of Mexican workers to California ( 36). Mexican workers have been leaving a place of limited economic opportunity for a site of rich capital investment for decades ( 36).
“Place is as important as one’s skills and economic position in determining if and how one’s basic needs are met, and the degree of social and political power accompanying one’s economic status ( 36).
Wednesday, August 18, 2010
concerning violence 2
Stephanie Mott
NAS 332 Environmental Justice
2/1/10
Concerning Violence by Franz Fanon response paper
In the book, The Wretched of the Earth, Franz Fanon discusses the negative effects of colonialism in a thought provoking way while intertwining imperialism in the discussion too. Although Franz Fanon heavily focuses on colonialism, the imperialism that is intertwined can make the ideas that he writes about can apply today to places where the majority of people would say active colonization is not occurring. In addition, it seems like some of the ideas he writes about are related to basic human nature or the mentality that people have developed from living a society where they are frequently exposed to mainstream media.
When the previous settlers, the others, arrive to explore and examine the country that was colonized they are the most likely to be treated with discourtesy (Fanon 77). This usually happens because the “ex-native” thinks that the previous settler already has an opinion and agenda that is not going to be changed even if the “ex-native” receives the settler in a positive way; this makes the “ex-native” feel frustrated and unmotivated to act in a positive way (Fanon 77). I agree with this but I think that the term “ex-native” can be expanded to include anyone that has an idea that hasn’t been seen before, has been done before and failed or is not talked about within the mainstream culture. The next paragraph is going to describe a situation that would be an example of how the term “ex-native” could be expanded.
The Friends of the Dunes organization have a nature center that they are renovating it by adding an additional floor to the house. This requires deconstructing the first floor. There is an opportunity to put a heat pump system into this center because it is already being renovated in a way that is going to require the place where the heat pump system would be placed to be reconstructed. It may be possible to get a grant that would pay for the whole system or 80% of the system. However, since there is not easily accessible explicit information on how to do this like there is with solar energy, the Friends of the Dunes organization gives the person that isn’t a member of the organization, the other, an attitude of discourtesy when the others discuss the logistics of the project with the organization. In addition, the impression is given that even if the others found a cost effective way to install the heat pump system two things would happen. The report would already be written and it would say that the heat pump system is not a feasible option at this time. In addition, the Friends of the Dunes organization would say that the heat pump system is too expensive and the others would be treated with indifference and mild hostility.
Fanon gives more descriptions of the perspective that the nationalist leaders and people that are under control of nationalist leaders have of the others and reporters and the behavior that tends to result from these views. The report tends to not be written from an objective point of view and tends to make it seem that the “ex-natives” are not doing well since the colonial power departed (Fanon 77). Regularly reporters grumble that they feel a much more negative than positive atmosphere, are not given proper working conditions and are being constantly treated with indifference or hostility; this is not by accident and can sometimes be intentional (Fanon 77). The nationalist leaders know that international opinion is formed solely by the Western press (Fanon 77). Now, when a journalist from the West asks us questions, it is seldom in order to help us (Fanon 77).
This can happen in many types of conflicts even if they aren’t related to social or environmental justice. For example, I saw a documentary about a person who was a high school cheerleader coach and there was an accusation placed by a cheerleader on the squad (who was disciplined by the coach for having test notes written on her leg that she tried to cover by her shorts) and the cheerleaders parents against the high school cheerleading coach. The cheerleader coach was interviewed by an official who was interviewing the school officials also to help determine whether she needed to be fired. When the cheerleading coach first started being interviewed she was very hostile and indifferent. The interviewer noticed this and asked her why she was acting this way. She said that she felt like she was being badly received by him and being forced to interveiwed under bad conditions. One of these was because the interviewer was solely chosen by the school officials and she had no input.
In the Algerian war, for example, even the most liberal (state the facts from the natives pt of view) of the French reporters never ceased to use ambiguous (capable of being understood in more than one way) words when describing our struggle” (Fanon 77).
When we blamed them for not reporting from the natives perspective, “they replied in all good faith that they were being objective (Fanon 77). For the native, objectivity is always directed against him”/ used to describe the native in a negative way. In the examples above this seems to have happened too. The high school cheerleading coach said that she experienced this with the school officials and with the interviewer. The high school cheerleading coach said that her actions weren’t fully described and described the cheerleading coach in a negative way.
I think that ambiguous language can be used to prevent people from becoming involved in something in addition to making it easier to use a preplanned agenda to make a decision. I think that both of these statements could apply to The Friends of the Dunes example above. For example, if they just decline because it is “too expensive” this can make it very hard to determine how to solve this problem. It could be too expensive for many reasons. Two possible reasons are that they don’t have the money to pay for the system or they don’t have the money to pay for increased property taxes or some other type of tax. Another reason is that they don’t have the money to pay the architect to make a new plan that will include the drawing of the heat pump system. If it is hard to determine how to solve the problem then it much easier to use a preplanned agenda because it is usually much quicker to use a preplanned agenda than to figure out how to solve a problem that needs additional questions to be answered.
We may in the same way come to understand the new tone which” overwhelmed “international diplomacy at the United Nations General Assembly in September, 1960 (Fanon 77). The representatives of the colonial countries were aggressive and violent, and carried things to extremes, but the colonial peoples did not find that they exaggerated (Fanon 77). The radicalism of the African spokesmen brought the abcess to a head and showed up the inadmissible (unacceptable) nature of the veto and the dialogue between the great powers, and above all the tiny role reserved for the Third World (Fanon 78).
k
NAS 332 Environmental Justice
2/1/10
Concerning Violence by Franz Fanon response paper
In the book, The Wretched of the Earth, Franz Fanon discusses the negative effects of colonialism in a thought provoking way while intertwining imperialism in the discussion too. Although Franz Fanon heavily focuses on colonialism, the imperialism that is intertwined can make the ideas that he writes about can apply today to places where the majority of people would say active colonization is not occurring. In addition, it seems like some of the ideas he writes about are related to basic human nature or the mentality that people have developed from living a society where they are frequently exposed to mainstream media.
When the previous settlers, the others, arrive to explore and examine the country that was colonized they are the most likely to be treated with discourtesy (Fanon 77). This usually happens because the “ex-native” thinks that the previous settler already has an opinion and agenda that is not going to be changed even if the “ex-native” receives the settler in a positive way; this makes the “ex-native” feel frustrated and unmotivated to act in a positive way (Fanon 77). I agree with this but I think that the term “ex-native” can be expanded to include anyone that has an idea that hasn’t been seen before, has been done before and failed or is not talked about within the mainstream culture. The next paragraph is going to describe a situation that would be an example of how the term “ex-native” could be expanded.
The Friends of the Dunes organization have a nature center that they are renovating it by adding an additional floor to the house. This requires deconstructing the first floor. There is an opportunity to put a heat pump system into this center because it is already being renovated in a way that is going to require the place where the heat pump system would be placed to be reconstructed. It may be possible to get a grant that would pay for the whole system or 80% of the system. However, since there is not easily accessible explicit information on how to do this like there is with solar energy, the Friends of the Dunes organization gives the person that isn’t a member of the organization, the other, an attitude of discourtesy when the others discuss the logistics of the project with the organization. In addition, the impression is given that even if the others found a cost effective way to install the heat pump system two things would happen. The report would already be written and it would say that the heat pump system is not a feasible option at this time. In addition, the Friends of the Dunes organization would say that the heat pump system is too expensive and the others would be treated with indifference and mild hostility.
Fanon gives more descriptions of the perspective that the nationalist leaders and people that are under control of nationalist leaders have of the others and reporters and the behavior that tends to result from these views. The report tends to not be written from an objective point of view and tends to make it seem that the “ex-natives” are not doing well since the colonial power departed (Fanon 77). Regularly reporters grumble that they feel a much more negative than positive atmosphere, are not given proper working conditions and are being constantly treated with indifference or hostility; this is not by accident and can sometimes be intentional (Fanon 77). The nationalist leaders know that international opinion is formed solely by the Western press (Fanon 77). Now, when a journalist from the West asks us questions, it is seldom in order to help us (Fanon 77).
This can happen in many types of conflicts even if they aren’t related to social or environmental justice. For example, I saw a documentary about a person who was a high school cheerleader coach and there was an accusation placed by a cheerleader on the squad (who was disciplined by the coach for having test notes written on her leg that she tried to cover by her shorts) and the cheerleaders parents against the high school cheerleading coach. The cheerleader coach was interviewed by an official who was interviewing the school officials also to help determine whether she needed to be fired. When the cheerleading coach first started being interviewed she was very hostile and indifferent. The interviewer noticed this and asked her why she was acting this way. She said that she felt like she was being badly received by him and being forced to interveiwed under bad conditions. One of these was because the interviewer was solely chosen by the school officials and she had no input.
In the Algerian war, for example, even the most liberal (state the facts from the natives pt of view) of the French reporters never ceased to use ambiguous (capable of being understood in more than one way) words when describing our struggle” (Fanon 77).
When we blamed them for not reporting from the natives perspective, “they replied in all good faith that they were being objective (Fanon 77). For the native, objectivity is always directed against him”/ used to describe the native in a negative way. In the examples above this seems to have happened too. The high school cheerleading coach said that she experienced this with the school officials and with the interviewer. The high school cheerleading coach said that her actions weren’t fully described and described the cheerleading coach in a negative way.
I think that ambiguous language can be used to prevent people from becoming involved in something in addition to making it easier to use a preplanned agenda to make a decision. I think that both of these statements could apply to The Friends of the Dunes example above. For example, if they just decline because it is “too expensive” this can make it very hard to determine how to solve this problem. It could be too expensive for many reasons. Two possible reasons are that they don’t have the money to pay for the system or they don’t have the money to pay for increased property taxes or some other type of tax. Another reason is that they don’t have the money to pay the architect to make a new plan that will include the drawing of the heat pump system. If it is hard to determine how to solve the problem then it much easier to use a preplanned agenda because it is usually much quicker to use a preplanned agenda than to figure out how to solve a problem that needs additional questions to be answered.
We may in the same way come to understand the new tone which” overwhelmed “international diplomacy at the United Nations General Assembly in September, 1960 (Fanon 77). The representatives of the colonial countries were aggressive and violent, and carried things to extremes, but the colonial peoples did not find that they exaggerated (Fanon 77). The radicalism of the African spokesmen brought the abcess to a head and showed up the inadmissible (unacceptable) nature of the veto and the dialogue between the great powers, and above all the tiny role reserved for the Third World (Fanon 78).
k
Concerning Violence
Stephanie Mott
NAS 332 Environmental Justice
2/1/10
Concerning Violence by Franz Fanon response paper
Discourtesy is first and foremost a manner to be used in dealings with the others, with the former colonists who come to observe and to investigate (Fanon 77). The “ex-native” too often gets the impression that these reports are already written (Fanon 77). I agree with this but I think that the term “ex-native” can be expanded to include anyone that has an idea that hasn’t been seen before, has been done before and failed or is not talked about within the mainstream culture. This is a situation that would be an example of how the term “ex-native” could be expanded. The Friends of the Dunes organization is adding an additional floor to the house. This requires deconstructing the first floor. There is an opportunity to put a heat pump system into a house that is already being constructed in a way that is going to require the place where the heat pump system would be placed to be reconstructed. It may be possible to get a grant that would pay for the whole system or 80% of the system. However, since there is not easily accessible explicit information on how to do this like there is with solar, The Friends of the Dunes organization gives the person that isn’t a member of the organization the impression that even if they found a cost effective way to install the heat pump system the report would already be written; The Friends of the Dunes organization would say that the heat pump system is too expensive and be treated with indifference and mild hostility.
I feel this way about the United States political scene sometimes.
The report intends to verify the evidence; everything’s going badly since we left (Fanon 77). Frequently reporters complain of being badly received, of being forced to work under bad conditions and of being fenced round by indifference or hostility: all this is quite normal (Fanon 77). The nationalist leaders know that international opinion is formed solely by the Western press (Fanon 77). Now, when a journalist from the West asks us questions, it is seldom in order to help us (Fanon 77).
This can happen in many types of conflicts even if they aren’t related to social or environmental justice. For example, I saw a documentary about a person who was a high school cheerleader coach and there was an accusation placed by a cheerleader on the squad (who was disciplined by the coach for having test notes written on her leg that she tried to cover by her shorts) and the cheerleaders parents against the high school cheerleading coach. The cheerleader coach was interviewed by an official who was interviewing the school officials also to help determine whether she needed to be fired. When the cheerleading coach first started being interviewed she was very hostile and indifferent. The interviewer noticed this and asked her why she was acting this way. She said that she felt like she was being badly received by him and being forced to interveiwed under bad conditions. One of these was because the interviewer was solely chosen by the school officials and she had no input.
In the Algerian war, for example, even the most liberal (state the facts from the natives pt of view) of the French reporters never ceased to use ambiguous (capable of being understood in more than one way) words when describing our struggle” (Fanon 77).
When we blamed them for not reporting from the natives perspective, “they replied in all good faith that they were being objective (Fanon 77). For the native, objectivity is always directed against him”/ used to describe the native in a negative way. In the examples above this seems to have happened too. The high school cheerleading coach said that she experienced this with the school officials and with the interviewer. The high school cheerleading coach said that her actions weren’t fully described and described the cheerleading coach in a negative way.
I think that ambiguous language can be used to prevent people from becoming involved in something in addition to making it easier to use a preplanned agenda to make a decision. I think that both of these statements could apply to The Friends of the Dunes example above. For example, if they just decline because it is “too expensive” this can make it very hard to determine how to solve this problem. It could be too expensive for many reasons. Two possible reasons are that they don’t have the money to pay for the system or they don’t have the money to pay for increased property taxes or some other type of tax. Another reason is that they don’t have the money to pay the architect to make a new plan that will include the drawing of the heat pump system. If it is hard to determine how to solve the problem then it much easier to use a preplanned agenda because it is usually much quicker to use a preplanned agenda than to figure out how to solve a problem that needs additional questions to be answered.
We may in the same way come to understand the new tone which” overwhelmed “international diplomacy at the United Nations General Assembly in September, 1960 (Fanon 77). The representatives of the colonial countries were aggressive and violent, and carried things to extremes, but the colonial peoples did not find that they exaggerated (Fanon 77). The radicalism of the African spokesmen brought the abcess to a head and showed up the inadmissible (unacceptable) nature of the veto and the dialogue between the great powers, and above all the tiny role reserved for the Third World (Fanon 78).
k
NAS 332 Environmental Justice
2/1/10
Concerning Violence by Franz Fanon response paper
Discourtesy is first and foremost a manner to be used in dealings with the others, with the former colonists who come to observe and to investigate (Fanon 77). The “ex-native” too often gets the impression that these reports are already written (Fanon 77). I agree with this but I think that the term “ex-native” can be expanded to include anyone that has an idea that hasn’t been seen before, has been done before and failed or is not talked about within the mainstream culture. This is a situation that would be an example of how the term “ex-native” could be expanded. The Friends of the Dunes organization is adding an additional floor to the house. This requires deconstructing the first floor. There is an opportunity to put a heat pump system into a house that is already being constructed in a way that is going to require the place where the heat pump system would be placed to be reconstructed. It may be possible to get a grant that would pay for the whole system or 80% of the system. However, since there is not easily accessible explicit information on how to do this like there is with solar, The Friends of the Dunes organization gives the person that isn’t a member of the organization the impression that even if they found a cost effective way to install the heat pump system the report would already be written; The Friends of the Dunes organization would say that the heat pump system is too expensive and be treated with indifference and mild hostility.
I feel this way about the United States political scene sometimes.
The report intends to verify the evidence; everything’s going badly since we left (Fanon 77). Frequently reporters complain of being badly received, of being forced to work under bad conditions and of being fenced round by indifference or hostility: all this is quite normal (Fanon 77). The nationalist leaders know that international opinion is formed solely by the Western press (Fanon 77). Now, when a journalist from the West asks us questions, it is seldom in order to help us (Fanon 77).
This can happen in many types of conflicts even if they aren’t related to social or environmental justice. For example, I saw a documentary about a person who was a high school cheerleader coach and there was an accusation placed by a cheerleader on the squad (who was disciplined by the coach for having test notes written on her leg that she tried to cover by her shorts) and the cheerleaders parents against the high school cheerleading coach. The cheerleader coach was interviewed by an official who was interviewing the school officials also to help determine whether she needed to be fired. When the cheerleading coach first started being interviewed she was very hostile and indifferent. The interviewer noticed this and asked her why she was acting this way. She said that she felt like she was being badly received by him and being forced to interveiwed under bad conditions. One of these was because the interviewer was solely chosen by the school officials and she had no input.
In the Algerian war, for example, even the most liberal (state the facts from the natives pt of view) of the French reporters never ceased to use ambiguous (capable of being understood in more than one way) words when describing our struggle” (Fanon 77).
When we blamed them for not reporting from the natives perspective, “they replied in all good faith that they were being objective (Fanon 77). For the native, objectivity is always directed against him”/ used to describe the native in a negative way. In the examples above this seems to have happened too. The high school cheerleading coach said that she experienced this with the school officials and with the interviewer. The high school cheerleading coach said that her actions weren’t fully described and described the cheerleading coach in a negative way.
I think that ambiguous language can be used to prevent people from becoming involved in something in addition to making it easier to use a preplanned agenda to make a decision. I think that both of these statements could apply to The Friends of the Dunes example above. For example, if they just decline because it is “too expensive” this can make it very hard to determine how to solve this problem. It could be too expensive for many reasons. Two possible reasons are that they don’t have the money to pay for the system or they don’t have the money to pay for increased property taxes or some other type of tax. Another reason is that they don’t have the money to pay the architect to make a new plan that will include the drawing of the heat pump system. If it is hard to determine how to solve the problem then it much easier to use a preplanned agenda because it is usually much quicker to use a preplanned agenda than to figure out how to solve a problem that needs additional questions to be answered.
We may in the same way come to understand the new tone which” overwhelmed “international diplomacy at the United Nations General Assembly in September, 1960 (Fanon 77). The representatives of the colonial countries were aggressive and violent, and carried things to extremes, but the colonial peoples did not find that they exaggerated (Fanon 77). The radicalism of the African spokesmen brought the abcess to a head and showed up the inadmissible (unacceptable) nature of the veto and the dialogue between the great powers, and above all the tiny role reserved for the Third World (Fanon 78).
k
Wednesday, August 4, 2010
pastaza
“Pastaza is a province in the Oriente of Ecuador located in the eastern jungle. The capital is Puyo, founded on May 12, 1899 and which boasts 25,800 inhabitants. The city is now accessible by paved roads, a recent development; the main road from Baños follows the Pastaza river into the province. http://www.mundoandino.com/Ecuador/Pastaza-Province
Natural resources of Pastaza are are bananas, grapefruits, tobacco, and tea (32).
In the province of Napo, several artisan markets offer crafts such as fiber bags, hammocks, ceramics, arrows, bows, spears, knives and more (24). Puyo, the capital of the province of Pastaza, also has many artisan shops (24). This trade is so highly acknowledeged in this town, that their most important monument, the Macahua, is dedicated to the region's artisans (24). There are also many handicraft stores in Macas, located in the province of Morona-Santiago, and in Zamora, in the province of Chinchipe (24)
Omaere Ethno-Botanical Park and the Cuyabeno Fauna Production Reserve in Sucumbios – one of the region's most biologically rich areas (24)”
“Historically, the indigenous communities have been able to maintain a productive subsistence within the existing ecosystems of vast forest preserve (31). The most representative are: the Siona¬ Secoya, Cofan, Huaorani, Quichua, Shuar and Ashuar (31).”
“To preserve areas, Ecuador has created the Yasuni National Park Biosphere Reserve, the Limoncocha Ecological Reserve, the Cuyabeno Wildlife Reserve and others.” (31) Cuyabeno Fauna Production Reserve in Sucumbios is located between the San Miguel and Aguarico river basins (24). Limoncocha Biological Reserve. Its main attractions are its forests, inhabited by spectacular wildlife that counts up to 350 rare species (24).
A spectacular parrot lick at the edge of the Yasuni Park can be reached on the Napo River. Here hundreds of parrots of different species gather early in the morning (if the weather is sunny and dry) on an exposed clay riverbank (24). Recently, the park service has set up blinds that permit visitors to watch the parrots at close range (24). At any time, hikers may cross paths with a family of monkeys, a three-toed sloth, an anteater or an ocelot enjoying its natural habitat (24).
Reserves in Puyo
• Omaere which is a 16 hectares ethno-botanical reserve http://www.mapsofworld.com/ecuador/destinations/puyo.html
• Fatima Reserve in Puyo, http://www.carpedm.travel/index-12.html
Criadero de Vida Silvestre Fátima. Is a reserve that is meant for protecting wild captive animals. http://www.mapsofworld.com/ecuador/destinations/puyo.html
• JardÃn Botánico Las OrquÃdeas.- which is a small reserve with beautiful orchids. http://www.mapsofworld.com/ecuador/destinations/puyo.html
• Fundación Ecológica Hola Vida offering attractive cabins in the jungle and boat trips. http://www.mapsofworld.com/ecuador/destinations/puyo.html
Hola Vida Reservehttp://www.carpedm.travel/index-12.html
reserves in Morona¬Santiago
• Sangay National Park
Sangay National Park was declared Natural Patrimony of the Humanity in 1983. (28)
“This 669,653 acres park is located in Morona¬Santiago and Chimborazo provinces, 174 miles from Quito. There are camping sites and places to sleep, as well as basic tourist infrastructure”. mountain climbing is practiced on two active volcanoes in the park. (30)
The objective of this area (2 032 hectares of 669,653 acres) is to protect the water source that supplies to Sucua city (29, 30).
Tinajillas-GualaceñoThis place was approved like protected area by means of ministerial agreement No 044 of April 26 of 2002. (27)
El Condor Binational Parkcreated by executive decree No, 963 of June 4 of 1999. This Park was used for creation of two ecological protection zones, s which are adjacent and are under sovereignty of Ecuador and Peru. (27)
There are three other protected natural areas within the Morona-Santiago province which are Cutucú Shaime Protective Forest, Jima Ltda. Protective Forest, and Pan de Azucar Protection and Conservation Zone (27)
“offer visitors the opportunity to explore the flora and fauna of the region as well as experience the customs of the local indigenous communities. Several of them host tourists in their own homes or in cabins constructed for that purpose. These settlements are authentic, not replicas built solely for tourists. In addition to experiencing life with some of the indigenous communities, visitors will find a wide choice of eco-lodges in the Ecuadorian Amazon.”
Look at http://www.carpedm.travel/index-12.html more
http://www.apc.org.nz/lac/articles/news990820c.htm
Indigenous communities in
Ecuador's Amazon provinces of Pastaza and Napo are using solar energy and hydro-electric
power generated by a waterfall to improve their quality of life. With aid provided by the
Italian Cooperation, the communities have set up solar-energy panels and accumulators with
the capacity to generate 13.3 kilowatts in six Pastaza villages.
Thanks to this project, the Amazon communities
of Arajuna, Sarayacu, Canelos, Curaray, Boberas and Mauntay, in the province of Pastaza,
can now request emergency medical care by radio that operates on solar energy. With one
call, an air ambulance can be dispatched to difficult-to-reach regions. Villagers can also
enjoy movies and videos in community centres, which also receive energy supplies from the
sun.
Administrador Del Portal http://turismo.moronasantiago.gov.ec/index.php?nombre_modulo=listar_contenido&op=listar&pagina=1&opcion=83
Natural resources of Pastaza are are bananas, grapefruits, tobacco, and tea (32).
In the province of Napo, several artisan markets offer crafts such as fiber bags, hammocks, ceramics, arrows, bows, spears, knives and more (24). Puyo, the capital of the province of Pastaza, also has many artisan shops (24). This trade is so highly acknowledeged in this town, that their most important monument, the Macahua, is dedicated to the region's artisans (24). There are also many handicraft stores in Macas, located in the province of Morona-Santiago, and in Zamora, in the province of Chinchipe (24)
Omaere Ethno-Botanical Park and the Cuyabeno Fauna Production Reserve in Sucumbios – one of the region's most biologically rich areas (24)”
“Historically, the indigenous communities have been able to maintain a productive subsistence within the existing ecosystems of vast forest preserve (31). The most representative are: the Siona¬ Secoya, Cofan, Huaorani, Quichua, Shuar and Ashuar (31).”
“To preserve areas, Ecuador has created the Yasuni National Park Biosphere Reserve, the Limoncocha Ecological Reserve, the Cuyabeno Wildlife Reserve and others.” (31) Cuyabeno Fauna Production Reserve in Sucumbios is located between the San Miguel and Aguarico river basins (24). Limoncocha Biological Reserve. Its main attractions are its forests, inhabited by spectacular wildlife that counts up to 350 rare species (24).
A spectacular parrot lick at the edge of the Yasuni Park can be reached on the Napo River. Here hundreds of parrots of different species gather early in the morning (if the weather is sunny and dry) on an exposed clay riverbank (24). Recently, the park service has set up blinds that permit visitors to watch the parrots at close range (24). At any time, hikers may cross paths with a family of monkeys, a three-toed sloth, an anteater or an ocelot enjoying its natural habitat (24).
Reserves in Puyo
• Omaere which is a 16 hectares ethno-botanical reserve http://www.mapsofworld.com/ecuador/destinations/puyo.html
• Fatima Reserve in Puyo, http://www.carpedm.travel/index-12.html
Criadero de Vida Silvestre Fátima. Is a reserve that is meant for protecting wild captive animals. http://www.mapsofworld.com/ecuador/destinations/puyo.html
• JardÃn Botánico Las OrquÃdeas.- which is a small reserve with beautiful orchids. http://www.mapsofworld.com/ecuador/destinations/puyo.html
• Fundación Ecológica Hola Vida offering attractive cabins in the jungle and boat trips. http://www.mapsofworld.com/ecuador/destinations/puyo.html
Hola Vida Reservehttp://www.carpedm.travel/index-12.html
reserves in Morona¬Santiago
• Sangay National Park
Sangay National Park was declared Natural Patrimony of the Humanity in 1983. (28)
“This 669,653 acres park is located in Morona¬Santiago and Chimborazo provinces, 174 miles from Quito. There are camping sites and places to sleep, as well as basic tourist infrastructure”. mountain climbing is practiced on two active volcanoes in the park. (30)
The objective of this area (2 032 hectares of 669,653 acres) is to protect the water source that supplies to Sucua city (29, 30).
Tinajillas-GualaceñoThis place was approved like protected area by means of ministerial agreement No 044 of April 26 of 2002. (27)
El Condor Binational Parkcreated by executive decree No, 963 of June 4 of 1999. This Park was used for creation of two ecological protection zones, s which are adjacent and are under sovereignty of Ecuador and Peru. (27)
There are three other protected natural areas within the Morona-Santiago province which are Cutucú Shaime Protective Forest, Jima Ltda. Protective Forest, and Pan de Azucar Protection and Conservation Zone (27)
“offer visitors the opportunity to explore the flora and fauna of the region as well as experience the customs of the local indigenous communities. Several of them host tourists in their own homes or in cabins constructed for that purpose. These settlements are authentic, not replicas built solely for tourists. In addition to experiencing life with some of the indigenous communities, visitors will find a wide choice of eco-lodges in the Ecuadorian Amazon.”
Look at http://www.carpedm.travel/index-12.html more
http://www.apc.org.nz/lac/articles/news990820c.htm
Indigenous communities in
Ecuador's Amazon provinces of Pastaza and Napo are using solar energy and hydro-electric
power generated by a waterfall to improve their quality of life. With aid provided by the
Italian Cooperation, the communities have set up solar-energy panels and accumulators with
the capacity to generate 13.3 kilowatts in six Pastaza villages.
Thanks to this project, the Amazon communities
of Arajuna, Sarayacu, Canelos, Curaray, Boberas and Mauntay, in the province of Pastaza,
can now request emergency medical care by radio that operates on solar energy. With one
call, an air ambulance can be dispatched to difficult-to-reach regions. Villagers can also
enjoy movies and videos in community centres, which also receive energy supplies from the
sun.
Administrador Del Portal http://turismo.moronasantiago.gov.ec/index.php?nombre_modulo=listar_contenido&op=listar&pagina=1&opcion=83
Morona-Santiago
Morona-Santiago
“In contrast, Morona-Santiago in southeastern Ecuador is rich in prehistoric flora that dates back to the Jurassic period ( 24) . Plants harboring interesting wildlife are found in El Condor Park where 127 different types of mammals thrive in this sheltered area (24). The park is located to the east of both the western highlands and the Huaracayo highlands mountain range, which is the source of the Zamora, Santiago, Coangos and Namangoza rivers (24).”
“The Sangay ruins, which date back to sometime between 3000 and 3400 B.C., are also found in this province (24). The archeological site is a complex of fountains, roads and pyramids, which are vestiges of one of Ecuador's oldest cultures (24). Towering above the jungle, nearly 27 miles from the provincial capital, the still-active Volcano Sangay is an imposing sight (24).”
“There are also many handicraft stores in Macas, located in the province of Morona-Santiago…(24) Several artisan markets offer crafts such as fiber bags, hammocks, ceramics, arrows, bows, spears, knives and more (24).”
“In contrast, Morona-Santiago in southeastern Ecuador is rich in prehistoric flora that dates back to the Jurassic period ( 24) . Plants harboring interesting wildlife are found in El Condor Park where 127 different types of mammals thrive in this sheltered area (24). The park is located to the east of both the western highlands and the Huaracayo highlands mountain range, which is the source of the Zamora, Santiago, Coangos and Namangoza rivers (24).”
“The Sangay ruins, which date back to sometime between 3000 and 3400 B.C., are also found in this province (24). The archeological site is a complex of fountains, roads and pyramids, which are vestiges of one of Ecuador's oldest cultures (24). Towering above the jungle, nearly 27 miles from the provincial capital, the still-active Volcano Sangay is an imposing sight (24).”
“There are also many handicraft stores in Macas, located in the province of Morona-Santiago…(24) Several artisan markets offer crafts such as fiber bags, hammocks, ceramics, arrows, bows, spears, knives and more (24).”
Oil: At what cost
Oil: At what cost
Ecuadorian Shuar tells about the oil pollution of the rainforest in Ecuador.
SOIL
www.oilatwhatcost.org Short Machinima about Oil in the Amazon Rainforest in Ecuador
Really good
Does the teacher know anything about Aguinda v. Texaco?
due to the Ecuadorian government’s constitutionally-based claim to subsoil minerals, the Waorani did not receive true autonomy with their titles. Not only do they not own the oil under their ground, but conditions attached to the title agreement forbid them to obstruct oil development, and prohibit them from receiving any royalties from the oil (33).
The Waorani have lived in the Ecuador rainforest. But American oil companies are destroying their way of life and driving them to extinction.
Ecuadorian Shuar tells about the oil pollution of the rainforest in Ecuador.
SOIL
www.oilatwhatcost.org Short Machinima about Oil in the Amazon Rainforest in Ecuador
Really good
Does the teacher know anything about Aguinda v. Texaco?
due to the Ecuadorian government’s constitutionally-based claim to subsoil minerals, the Waorani did not receive true autonomy with their titles. Not only do they not own the oil under their ground, but conditions attached to the title agreement forbid them to obstruct oil development, and prohibit them from receiving any royalties from the oil (33).
The Waorani have lived in the Ecuador rainforest. But American oil companies are destroying their way of life and driving them to extinction.
Do the Achuar still wear their traditional clothes?
Do the Achuar still wear their traditional clothes?
Actually they wear western-style clothing due to the influence of the missionaries. The Achuar still use many of their traditional accessories like necklaces, headbands and bracelets, and paint their faces for special occasions. They still live in traditional houses and use blowguns for hunting.http://www.kapawi.com/en/faq.html
Actually they wear western-style clothing due to the influence of the missionaries. The Achuar still use many of their traditional accessories like necklaces, headbands and bracelets, and paint their faces for special occasions. They still live in traditional houses and use blowguns for hunting.http://www.kapawi.com/en/faq.html
Achuar territory
The Achuar territory has changed from its traditional area (a single nation spread across Peru and Ecuador) (9). There was a border conflict between Peru and Ecuador in 1941 that forced the Achuar (including their familial units) to be legally divided into two groups (the Ecuadorian Achuar and Peruvian Achuar) based on the ?boundaries of the countries established by the conflict? (9). This prevents the Achuar from crossing the borders into Peru or Ecuador to practice their traditional trade systems and disrupts traditional social activities (9).
Missionaries
1970s to 1990s “the Achuar communities (centers) were affiliated with several organizations” but each center individually chose which organization they would be affiliated with (9). Therefore, some Achuar communities (centers) were affiliated OPIP (Organization of Indigenous Communities in the Province of Pastaza), others affiliated with what is now FICSH (Inter-provincial Federation of Shuar Centers), and (9). This resulted in with four different organizations but the communities (centers) were (9)
Establishment of ONAIE
Missionaries
1970s to 1990s “the Achuar communities (centers) were affiliated with several organizations” but each center individually chose which organization they would be affiliated with (9). Therefore, some Achuar communities (centers) were affiliated OPIP (Organization of Indigenous Communities in the Province of Pastaza), others affiliated with what is now FICSH (Inter-provincial Federation of Shuar Centers), and (9). This resulted in with four different organizations but the communities (centers) were (9)
Establishment of ONAIE
Morona Santiago Province
groups in all Morona Santiago Province
The Shuar is one of characteristic groups in all Morona Santiago Province, who represents around 30% of population (12). The rest 70% is constituted by racially mixed groups, those come from of the Azuay and Cañar provinces mainly, and by afro-Ecuadorian and indigenous that migrated of different parts from the country as of 1950(12).
Taisha Canton Population: 13 078 inhabitants (13)
90% - Shuar and Achuar indigenous (13)
10% - half-breeding colonists and quichuas, originating of Chimborazo province (13) .
Pablo Sexto Canton Most of its territory are within the Sangay National Park, this factor is determining in administration of its natural and cultural resources and biodiversity (14). Population: 1 500 inhabitants, 65% of half breed and 35% of the Shuar ethnic group (14).
Palora Canton Historical antecedents:
investigate these more The colonization of canton began by south with colonist coming from Macas, which were establishing in left margin of river named Arapicos (15). The colonization extended by north with the creation of the “Hugo HolguÃn” penal colony and by the LlushÃn valley with the arrival of the Dominican Mission (15).
An important event that motivated the transformation and the progress of this sector was the entrance of the SEDIA Company for the cultivation of tea (15). Later this disintegrates and is born the CETCA Company, the one that provides work and commercial movement (15). PARISH PALORA:
By its economic activities mainly in agriculture and cattle breeding, it becomes an important town vertiginously where to 3 years is named canton head. 70 000 hectares corresponding to the Sangay National Park (15).
Huamboya Canton shuar population with the 80%, and rest 20% belong to colonist people (16).
Morona Canton Ethnic Groups: Shuar, Achuar and Macabeos., Language: Spanish and shuar (17).
Sucua Canton The Shuar ethnic group is one of characteristic groups in Sucua canton, who represents around 30% of population (18). The rest 70% is constituted by racially mixed groups, those come from of the Azuay and Cañar province mainly, and by afro-Ecuadorian and indigenous that migrated of different parts from the country as of 1950 (18).
Logroño Canton In 1932, the evangelical missionaries were based next to the Chupientza River with the purpose of to civilize to the Shuar town and to spread the Christianity according to their religious rules (19). With the arrival of a great number of people from Méndez, the Azuay and Cañar mainly, and with increase of agricultural-cattle operation, Logroño after 36 years of parochial life, experienced a physical and population growth relatively important in the region (19). By their geographic position and the good possibility for the commerce and colonization, (19)
The canton is constituted by several Shuar ethnic groups, these is grouped in small center remote of others (19). Most of the Shuar population has suffered cross-cultural influence (19). They are fed on products collected through the hunting and the fishing and they complement it with some agricultural products (19). The “Chicha” of fermented yucca is generalized drink by this nationality (19). The “Shamanes” are the habitual advisers of these ethnic groups and they are who know the chemical and organic properties the plants, the same ones that is used like natural medicine (19).
Santiago de Mendez Canton The Santiago canton was inhabited by Shuar indigenous communities, especially in left margin of the Santiago River (10).
The colonists arrived at Méndez originating in Azuay and Cañar provinces (10). They had to search for new activities in the coast and ecuadorian Amazonia due to the chaotic economic situation caused by multiple factors, between which stand out the fall of prices of the straw hat (10).
The place is recognized like parish in September 21of 1913 (10). With the increase of gold exploitation, the parish showed a remarkable growth, and in January of 1943 was created the Santiago de Méndez canton (10).
Social Groups: The canton accounts with two human groups, the Shuar Ethnic group and colonist or half breed group (10).
Main Activities: Cattle breeding, agriculture, commerce, and the tourism in smaller scale (10).
Limon Indanza Canton Its economy is of farming, mineral and artisan character, these activities are correlated with the productive potential (20). Mineral Resources:
The canton has an important number of metallic and not metallic mineral deposits (20). The silica mines stand out; this raw material, although exists in great amount, is exploit of very limited way for the bottles manufacture industry that is made in the Guayaquil city (20). The kaolin and feldspar mines are in exploitation phase; these constitute raw material for manufacture of ceramics that are transported towards Cuenca, Riobamba and Quito cities, through the Graiman, Edesa, Cerámica Andina and Rialto companies (20).
San Juan Bosco Canton 16% of total population is shuar (572 inhabitants) (21).
Gualaquiza Canton
City of Gualaquiza:
It is a very well organized establishment, in whose streets are simple houses and constructions but historically important, it lodges to its population coming from the Azuay, Cañar and Loja (22). The city is surrounded by the Bomboiza and Gualaquiza rivers (22).
From XVI century, the Spanish made several raids to Gualaquiza in their urge to find appraised treasures (22). Also Shuar ethnic groups coming from Brazil, settle down in Bomboiza, Mercedes Molina, Gualaquiza and others settle down in territories of Zamora and Morona Santiago. From century XVII they receive the visit of several missionaries groups (22).
In 1953, as a result of the creation of Morona Santiago province, Gualaquiza canton integrates like part of this one, with defined limits (22). They have been pressured to do gold exploitation and the earth colonization apt for the cattle breeding (22).
Social groups: Its main population is composed by Shuar ethnic group and half-caste colonist (22).
The Shuar is one of characteristic groups in all Morona Santiago Province, who represents around 30% of population (12). The rest 70% is constituted by racially mixed groups, those come from of the Azuay and Cañar provinces mainly, and by afro-Ecuadorian and indigenous that migrated of different parts from the country as of 1950(12).
Taisha Canton Population: 13 078 inhabitants (13)
90% - Shuar and Achuar indigenous (13)
10% - half-breeding colonists and quichuas, originating of Chimborazo province (13) .
Pablo Sexto Canton Most of its territory are within the Sangay National Park, this factor is determining in administration of its natural and cultural resources and biodiversity (14). Population: 1 500 inhabitants, 65% of half breed and 35% of the Shuar ethnic group (14).
Palora Canton Historical antecedents:
investigate these more The colonization of canton began by south with colonist coming from Macas, which were establishing in left margin of river named Arapicos (15). The colonization extended by north with the creation of the “Hugo HolguÃn” penal colony and by the LlushÃn valley with the arrival of the Dominican Mission (15).
An important event that motivated the transformation and the progress of this sector was the entrance of the SEDIA Company for the cultivation of tea (15). Later this disintegrates and is born the CETCA Company, the one that provides work and commercial movement (15). PARISH PALORA:
By its economic activities mainly in agriculture and cattle breeding, it becomes an important town vertiginously where to 3 years is named canton head. 70 000 hectares corresponding to the Sangay National Park (15).
Huamboya Canton shuar population with the 80%, and rest 20% belong to colonist people (16).
Morona Canton Ethnic Groups: Shuar, Achuar and Macabeos., Language: Spanish and shuar (17).
Sucua Canton The Shuar ethnic group is one of characteristic groups in Sucua canton, who represents around 30% of population (18). The rest 70% is constituted by racially mixed groups, those come from of the Azuay and Cañar province mainly, and by afro-Ecuadorian and indigenous that migrated of different parts from the country as of 1950 (18).
Logroño Canton In 1932, the evangelical missionaries were based next to the Chupientza River with the purpose of to civilize to the Shuar town and to spread the Christianity according to their religious rules (19). With the arrival of a great number of people from Méndez, the Azuay and Cañar mainly, and with increase of agricultural-cattle operation, Logroño after 36 years of parochial life, experienced a physical and population growth relatively important in the region (19). By their geographic position and the good possibility for the commerce and colonization, (19)
The canton is constituted by several Shuar ethnic groups, these is grouped in small center remote of others (19). Most of the Shuar population has suffered cross-cultural influence (19). They are fed on products collected through the hunting and the fishing and they complement it with some agricultural products (19). The “Chicha” of fermented yucca is generalized drink by this nationality (19). The “Shamanes” are the habitual advisers of these ethnic groups and they are who know the chemical and organic properties the plants, the same ones that is used like natural medicine (19).
Santiago de Mendez Canton The Santiago canton was inhabited by Shuar indigenous communities, especially in left margin of the Santiago River (10).
The colonists arrived at Méndez originating in Azuay and Cañar provinces (10). They had to search for new activities in the coast and ecuadorian Amazonia due to the chaotic economic situation caused by multiple factors, between which stand out the fall of prices of the straw hat (10).
The place is recognized like parish in September 21of 1913 (10). With the increase of gold exploitation, the parish showed a remarkable growth, and in January of 1943 was created the Santiago de Méndez canton (10).
Social Groups: The canton accounts with two human groups, the Shuar Ethnic group and colonist or half breed group (10).
Main Activities: Cattle breeding, agriculture, commerce, and the tourism in smaller scale (10).
Limon Indanza Canton Its economy is of farming, mineral and artisan character, these activities are correlated with the productive potential (20). Mineral Resources:
The canton has an important number of metallic and not metallic mineral deposits (20). The silica mines stand out; this raw material, although exists in great amount, is exploit of very limited way for the bottles manufacture industry that is made in the Guayaquil city (20). The kaolin and feldspar mines are in exploitation phase; these constitute raw material for manufacture of ceramics that are transported towards Cuenca, Riobamba and Quito cities, through the Graiman, Edesa, Cerámica Andina and Rialto companies (20).
San Juan Bosco Canton 16% of total population is shuar (572 inhabitants) (21).
Gualaquiza Canton
City of Gualaquiza:
It is a very well organized establishment, in whose streets are simple houses and constructions but historically important, it lodges to its population coming from the Azuay, Cañar and Loja (22). The city is surrounded by the Bomboiza and Gualaquiza rivers (22).
From XVI century, the Spanish made several raids to Gualaquiza in their urge to find appraised treasures (22). Also Shuar ethnic groups coming from Brazil, settle down in Bomboiza, Mercedes Molina, Gualaquiza and others settle down in territories of Zamora and Morona Santiago. From century XVII they receive the visit of several missionaries groups (22).
In 1953, as a result of the creation of Morona Santiago province, Gualaquiza canton integrates like part of this one, with defined limits (22). They have been pressured to do gold exploitation and the earth colonization apt for the cattle breeding (22).
Social groups: Its main population is composed by Shuar ethnic group and half-caste colonist (22).
The Indians of Central and South America
1991 The Indians of Central and South America An ethnohistorical dictionary by james S.Olson
The Spanish tried to control the Achuar for many reasons, including looking for gold, but they were not successful; the Achuar resisted violently and the Spaniards left (1).
Until approximately 1830, the Achuar had irregular contact with the Spaniards with the exception of missionaries at the Salesian mission (1). In the late 1800s, their nonviolent contact with “neo-Ecuadorians and neo-Puruvians” rose to gain access to “trade goods, especially metal tools and manufactured cloth” (1). From approximately 1900 to 1930, there was no significant increase in the “ colonization of the Achuar area”, with the exception of missionaries at the Salesian mission (1). A gold rush in the 1930s brought many outsiders, precipitating violent confrontations. Under pressure from the Salesians, the Ecuadorian government established peaceful relations with the Achuar (1). During the past four decades, contact between the Achuar and the larger society has been characterized by relative peace and increasing acculturation, but the general isolation of the Achuar tribal territory has helped them preserve a sense of tribal identity (1).
The Achuar generally pursue a subsistence lifestyle, based on the production of sweet manioc, maize, and a variety of other products in family gardens (1). The need for cash to buy trade goods is steadily increasing, forcing them to spend more and more of their time working as day laborers (1).
The Spanish tried to control the Achuar for many reasons, including looking for gold, but they were not successful; the Achuar resisted violently and the Spaniards left (1).
Until approximately 1830, the Achuar had irregular contact with the Spaniards with the exception of missionaries at the Salesian mission (1). In the late 1800s, their nonviolent contact with “neo-Ecuadorians and neo-Puruvians” rose to gain access to “trade goods, especially metal tools and manufactured cloth” (1). From approximately 1900 to 1930, there was no significant increase in the “ colonization of the Achuar area”, with the exception of missionaries at the Salesian mission (1). A gold rush in the 1930s brought many outsiders, precipitating violent confrontations. Under pressure from the Salesians, the Ecuadorian government established peaceful relations with the Achuar (1). During the past four decades, contact between the Achuar and the larger society has been characterized by relative peace and increasing acculturation, but the general isolation of the Achuar tribal territory has helped them preserve a sense of tribal identity (1).
The Achuar generally pursue a subsistence lifestyle, based on the production of sweet manioc, maize, and a variety of other products in family gardens (1). The need for cash to buy trade goods is steadily increasing, forcing them to spend more and more of their time working as day laborers (1).
Tuesday, August 3, 2010
More Progress Made in Titling Land to Achuar in March 2010
The efforts of the Achuar and the organizations that collaborate with the Achuar have resulted in most of the Achuar land in the Amazon Region of Ecuador receiving titles (43). On February 25, 2010, the Ministry of Agriculture of Ecuador legally recognized and gave the Nacionalidad Achuar de Ecuador legal titling to 40, 300 hectares of their ancestral land (43). This is very significant because this gives them much more power in the legal system to fight for their rights to be respected that are given to them by the Ecuadorian Constitution (43). The Achuar believe this would not have been possible without the efforts by many people and organizations including the Fundación Pachamama and Nacionalidad Achuar de Ecuador (43). These people and organizations focused on explaining that the Achuar territories are an example of the preservation of environmental and ecological assets (43). In addition, they explained that the Achuar intend to preserve these assets by not permitting any mining actions and supporting the proposal to keep oil underground on their land?s?-gr (43). Furthermore, they re-expressed their view that if nature is respected, when humans experience it nature becomes a necessary part of maintaining or improving their health (43). However, there are still two more communities (Tinkias and Yutsuntza) that need to be legally recognized within the Achuar land as well as the rest of the cultures that live in the Amazon region of Ecuador (43).
More Progress Made in Titling Land to Achuar in March 2010
The Achuar federation (NAE) finally has received legal recognition for almost all the Achuar ancestral lands, after many years of demanding that the central Ecuadorian government respect their lands and their collective rights acknowledged by the Constitution.
On February 25, 2010 NAE attained the titling of some of the last territories yet to be officially recognized by the Ministry of Agriculture: Nuevo Sasaim, Wachirpas and Mashuim, totaling 40,300 hectares. This is an important advancement in the process of receiving titles for all of the Achuar Nationality, leaving only two more communities: Tinkias and Yutsuntza.
The Achuar do not consider this a favor from the government, but instead the fruit of their and Fundación Pachamama’s labors to respect and exercise the rights of the Achuar as a people. As such, they demand that the remaining titles be immediately granted to Tinkias and Yutsuntza, as well as to the rest of the nationalities and peoples of the Amazon and of Ecuador.
During this process, Fundación Pachamama and NAE have reaffirmed that the indigenous territories are an example of the conservation of natural resources, and that they will not allow petroleum exploitation or any mining activities to take place in indigenous lands. They also support the initiative to leave oil underground, and to respect nature as an integral space for well-being.
http://www.pachamama.org/content/blogcategory/102/153/
creation story
"Retelling of the Achuar creation myth about how greed caused Nantu and Auju, a hunter and his gardener wife, to separate. Nantu becomes the Moon and Auju becomes the Potoo Bird, and their separation caused Heaven and Earth to separate."
More Progress Made in Titling Land to Achuar in March 2010
The Achuar federation (NAE) finally has received legal recognition for almost all the Achuar ancestral lands, after many years of demanding that the central Ecuadorian government respect their lands and their collective rights acknowledged by the Constitution.
On February 25, 2010 NAE attained the titling of some of the last territories yet to be officially recognized by the Ministry of Agriculture: Nuevo Sasaim, Wachirpas and Mashuim, totaling 40,300 hectares. This is an important advancement in the process of receiving titles for all of the Achuar Nationality, leaving only two more communities: Tinkias and Yutsuntza.
The Achuar do not consider this a favor from the government, but instead the fruit of their and Fundación Pachamama’s labors to respect and exercise the rights of the Achuar as a people. As such, they demand that the remaining titles be immediately granted to Tinkias and Yutsuntza, as well as to the rest of the nationalities and peoples of the Amazon and of Ecuador.
During this process, Fundación Pachamama and NAE have reaffirmed that the indigenous territories are an example of the conservation of natural resources, and that they will not allow petroleum exploitation or any mining activities to take place in indigenous lands. They also support the initiative to leave oil underground, and to respect nature as an integral space for well-being.
http://www.pachamama.org/content/blogcategory/102/153/
creation story
"Retelling of the Achuar creation myth about how greed caused Nantu and Auju, a hunter and his gardener wife, to separate. Nantu becomes the Moon and Auju becomes the Potoo Bird, and their separation caused Heaven and Earth to separate."
current oil threat
Indians Protest Plans to Drill in Ecuadorian Amazon in Latin American Herald Tribune: seem to be proposed stage Caracas,
acessesdApril 11,2010 Author: EFE
published 3/23/2010
The Achuar are continuing to resist oil companies operating on their land even though the government has publicly stated more than once that oil operations will be happening soon in Blocks 23 and 24 of their land (42). The Achuar, along with other indigenous people in the Amazon region of Ecuador, protested against the Ecuadorian government intention?s?gr to start oil production in Blocks 23 and 24 in the provinces of Pastaza and Morona Santiago outside the Ministry of energy and mining in March 2010 in Ecuador (42). The ministry is the government entity in Ecuador that approves plans for resource extraction in Ecuador (42). They have been resisting in many ways (42). They have been doing physical resistance (42). For example, the oil company Compañia General de Combustibles is the operator of Block 23 but the Achuar and other indigenous people lately have prevented the company from doing their activities (42). They have been doing nonviolent resistance including stating and trying to enforce their rights to tribal sovereignty (42). For example, the Achuar made a declaration in 2002 to not participate in any communication, agreement or national program that is associated with promoting oil production (42). In addition, this declaration says that the land designated for Blocks 23 and 24, isn’t considered Blocks 23 and 24 by the Achuar unless the Achuar are consulted about possible land use changes (42). This is because the land designated for Blocks 23 and 24 are areas of land that are currently being used or areas of land that are part of their ancestral lands and are being preserved (42). The Achuar are demanding that the state recognize the lands in question as “sacred territory, a biodiversity and ancestral culture heritage site of the Kichwa people of Ecuador,” and strengthen “alternative economic models based on the natural environment” (42). The Achuar strongly believe that the unresponsible beginning of oil activities in the blocks would have an irrevocable ?e?ffect on the “environment and culture” and change “the social life of the families in the communities, causing major divisions” (42). The Achuar stated “We won’t allow the Amazon region to be transformed into an industrial mining and oil camp, a zone of death, that threatens the life and safety of all Ecuadorians …” (42).
acessesdApril 11,2010 Author: EFE
published 3/23/2010
The Achuar are continuing to resist oil companies operating on their land even though the government has publicly stated more than once that oil operations will be happening soon in Blocks 23 and 24 of their land (42). The Achuar, along with other indigenous people in the Amazon region of Ecuador, protested against the Ecuadorian government intention?s?gr to start oil production in Blocks 23 and 24 in the provinces of Pastaza and Morona Santiago outside the Ministry of energy and mining in March 2010 in Ecuador (42). The ministry is the government entity in Ecuador that approves plans for resource extraction in Ecuador (42). They have been resisting in many ways (42). They have been doing physical resistance (42). For example, the oil company Compañia General de Combustibles is the operator of Block 23 but the Achuar and other indigenous people lately have prevented the company from doing their activities (42). They have been doing nonviolent resistance including stating and trying to enforce their rights to tribal sovereignty (42). For example, the Achuar made a declaration in 2002 to not participate in any communication, agreement or national program that is associated with promoting oil production (42). In addition, this declaration says that the land designated for Blocks 23 and 24, isn’t considered Blocks 23 and 24 by the Achuar unless the Achuar are consulted about possible land use changes (42). This is because the land designated for Blocks 23 and 24 are areas of land that are currently being used or areas of land that are part of their ancestral lands and are being preserved (42). The Achuar are demanding that the state recognize the lands in question as “sacred territory, a biodiversity and ancestral culture heritage site of the Kichwa people of Ecuador,” and strengthen “alternative economic models based on the natural environment” (42). The Achuar strongly believe that the unresponsible beginning of oil activities in the blocks would have an irrevocable ?e?ffect on the “environment and culture” and change “the social life of the families in the communities, causing major divisions” (42). The Achuar stated “We won’t allow the Amazon region to be transformed into an industrial mining and oil camp, a zone of death, that threatens the life and safety of all Ecuadorians …” (42).
Stuff from paradigm wars ch 10
Stuff from paradigm wars ch 10
Chapter title: Infrastructure Development in the South American Amazon by Janet Lloyd, Atossa Soltani, and Kevin Koenig
Indigenous Peoples’ Resistance to Globalization Edited by Jerry Mander and Victoria Tauli-Corpuz
Sierra Club books San Francisco 2006
The Achuar in Ecuador and Peru “are rejecting the interventions of economic globalization while demanding basic and universal rights: self-determination, land preservation, cultural integrity, and respect for the earth” shouldn’t Earth be capatilized?
The Achuar are working to always be able to exercise the rights stated in the International Labor Organization (ILO) and in international documents including documents like the UN Draft Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. These documents include the right to “maintain their ways of life; to own, control and manage ancestral communal lands; to fully participate in decision-making; and to “free and informed consent” on projects that affect indigenous lives, culture and lands”. Although Ecuador has ratified the ILO convention, the rights expressed in the ILO convention are often not enforced and deliberately not supported in the form of governmental forces, especially security forces in the form of military forces, being used to intimidate people to give away their rights or force actions on them that violate their rights especially with transnational companies such as oil and mining companies that are seen by the non-indigenous as companies that bring needed development to the region.
The Achuar territory is one of the last isolated virgin rainforests where indigenous groups still live and the people there receive more damage from industrial activities than people who are not isolated because when activities such as oil exploration and logging occur, they bring non-indigenous people to operate some or all of that activity; these non-indigenous people can cause disease epidemics that can kill anywhere from ten to sixty percent of the population. In addition, the non-indigenous people usually continue practicing their non-indigenous culture
These sentences are from Ethnopolitics in Ecuador
In the past during some disease epidemics that kill above fifty percent of the population, the population becomes so low that the few people that make up the population after the disease epidemic occurs move to another place outside of their ancestral indigenous lands and the indigenous culture dies. For example, in Peru in the 1980s ?gr?,? Shell Oil did investigations for oil and gas reserves. The infrastructure for these investigations made it appealing for other resource explorers to come in and loggers took advantage of this. The indigenous people living there at the time, the Nahua, began dying from whooping cough, smallpox and influenza. It is estimated that fifty percent of the Nahua population died and the rest of the indigenous people fled the area.
The ?gr?E?cuadorian Achuar recognize that even if the initial toxic byproducts of the resource extraction activity are chemically treated, this does not always mean that the byproducts of the resource extraction activity have become healthy for humans and nature; they don’t want the land that they depend on to have a good chance of being contaminated like they have seen within their own country and neighboring countries. For example, in the South American Amazon the release of chemically cleaned byproducts of resource extraction have still been toxic because they have caused widespread and permanent environmental degradation and pollution. The toxic waste from resource extraction activities, recently oil and mining, can contaminate the water as well as the air. For example, after thirty years of Texaco oil operations in the northern Amazon of Ecuador?,? oil production wastes which include toxic air contamination have resulted and are still resulting in the corrosion of terrestrial and aquatic bionetworks. Another example is an oil spill that happened to the Cocamas-Cocamillas people in Peru in October ?gr?of? 2000. The oil spill contaminated Peru’s largest protected area, the Pacaya Samiria Reserve. The food and water supply that existed before the oil spill was severely reduced because of the toxic pollution that the oil spill caused; the oil company provided food but this didn’t even meet the basic needs of the Cocamas-Cocamillas people. The oil company promised to deliver medicines to the Cocamas-Cocamillas people but many of these medicines never reached the people that were most ?e?ffected by the spill. In addition to these environmental impacts from the ?company, should be company’s? that does the resource extraction there are also many negative social and other environmental impacts.
Two recent examples of this of the countless number of examples of this in South America show some of the environmental and social impacts that the ?E?cuadorian Achuar don’t want to happen in their communities. The first example is when there was the construction of the Bolivia-Cuiaba gas pipeline there were many impacts on the people in the area and the resources that the people depend on using from that area. Some of the social impacts were the workers being drunk and negatively interacting with the native people in the area as well as alcohol abuse. Some of the environmental impacts were illegal hunting, bioprospecting, logging, erosion, solid and liquid waste pollution and destruction of drinking water supplies. The second example the negative social impacts Shell Oil left behind after the investigations for oil and gas reserves in Peru in the 1980s were finished. During the investigations the workers sexually harassed and assaulted indigenous women as well as participated in child prostitution. After the Shell Oil workers left, a great amount of teenage mothers were abandoned to rear the workers’ kids (usually alone?)gr?.
In the Ecuadorian government signed a with ARCO (dream people of amazon + ). The Achuar have been expressing their outrage ever since in a variety of ways including writing to the company (dream people of amazon + paradigm wars ). In 1998 the Achuar organization FINAE wrote a letter to the general manager of ARCO Ecuador and it included this exercpt:
“[Our] decision … is to not permit the penetration of oil, mining, or logging companies in our territory… The Achuar have taken this radical decision because we have observed the environmental and social impact of twenty years of irrational oil exploitation in the north of our Amazon, and because we believe in the options for sustainable development” ( ).
Chapter title: Infrastructure Development in the South American Amazon by Janet Lloyd, Atossa Soltani, and Kevin Koenig
Indigenous Peoples’ Resistance to Globalization Edited by Jerry Mander and Victoria Tauli-Corpuz
Sierra Club books San Francisco 2006
The Achuar in Ecuador and Peru “are rejecting the interventions of economic globalization while demanding basic and universal rights: self-determination, land preservation, cultural integrity, and respect for the earth” shouldn’t Earth be capatilized?
The Achuar are working to always be able to exercise the rights stated in the International Labor Organization (ILO) and in international documents including documents like the UN Draft Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. These documents include the right to “maintain their ways of life; to own, control and manage ancestral communal lands; to fully participate in decision-making; and to “free and informed consent” on projects that affect indigenous lives, culture and lands”. Although Ecuador has ratified the ILO convention, the rights expressed in the ILO convention are often not enforced and deliberately not supported in the form of governmental forces, especially security forces in the form of military forces, being used to intimidate people to give away their rights or force actions on them that violate their rights especially with transnational companies such as oil and mining companies that are seen by the non-indigenous as companies that bring needed development to the region.
The Achuar territory is one of the last isolated virgin rainforests where indigenous groups still live and the people there receive more damage from industrial activities than people who are not isolated because when activities such as oil exploration and logging occur, they bring non-indigenous people to operate some or all of that activity; these non-indigenous people can cause disease epidemics that can kill anywhere from ten to sixty percent of the population. In addition, the non-indigenous people usually continue practicing their non-indigenous culture
These sentences are from Ethnopolitics in Ecuador
In the past during some disease epidemics that kill above fifty percent of the population, the population becomes so low that the few people that make up the population after the disease epidemic occurs move to another place outside of their ancestral indigenous lands and the indigenous culture dies. For example, in Peru in the 1980s ?gr?,? Shell Oil did investigations for oil and gas reserves. The infrastructure for these investigations made it appealing for other resource explorers to come in and loggers took advantage of this. The indigenous people living there at the time, the Nahua, began dying from whooping cough, smallpox and influenza. It is estimated that fifty percent of the Nahua population died and the rest of the indigenous people fled the area.
The ?gr?E?cuadorian Achuar recognize that even if the initial toxic byproducts of the resource extraction activity are chemically treated, this does not always mean that the byproducts of the resource extraction activity have become healthy for humans and nature; they don’t want the land that they depend on to have a good chance of being contaminated like they have seen within their own country and neighboring countries. For example, in the South American Amazon the release of chemically cleaned byproducts of resource extraction have still been toxic because they have caused widespread and permanent environmental degradation and pollution. The toxic waste from resource extraction activities, recently oil and mining, can contaminate the water as well as the air. For example, after thirty years of Texaco oil operations in the northern Amazon of Ecuador?,? oil production wastes which include toxic air contamination have resulted and are still resulting in the corrosion of terrestrial and aquatic bionetworks. Another example is an oil spill that happened to the Cocamas-Cocamillas people in Peru in October ?gr?of? 2000. The oil spill contaminated Peru’s largest protected area, the Pacaya Samiria Reserve. The food and water supply that existed before the oil spill was severely reduced because of the toxic pollution that the oil spill caused; the oil company provided food but this didn’t even meet the basic needs of the Cocamas-Cocamillas people. The oil company promised to deliver medicines to the Cocamas-Cocamillas people but many of these medicines never reached the people that were most ?e?ffected by the spill. In addition to these environmental impacts from the ?company, should be company’s? that does the resource extraction there are also many negative social and other environmental impacts.
Two recent examples of this of the countless number of examples of this in South America show some of the environmental and social impacts that the ?E?cuadorian Achuar don’t want to happen in their communities. The first example is when there was the construction of the Bolivia-Cuiaba gas pipeline there were many impacts on the people in the area and the resources that the people depend on using from that area. Some of the social impacts were the workers being drunk and negatively interacting with the native people in the area as well as alcohol abuse. Some of the environmental impacts were illegal hunting, bioprospecting, logging, erosion, solid and liquid waste pollution and destruction of drinking water supplies. The second example the negative social impacts Shell Oil left behind after the investigations for oil and gas reserves in Peru in the 1980s were finished. During the investigations the workers sexually harassed and assaulted indigenous women as well as participated in child prostitution. After the Shell Oil workers left, a great amount of teenage mothers were abandoned to rear the workers’ kids (usually alone?)gr?.
In the Ecuadorian government signed a with ARCO (dream people of amazon + ). The Achuar have been expressing their outrage ever since in a variety of ways including writing to the company (dream people of amazon + paradigm wars ). In 1998 the Achuar organization FINAE wrote a letter to the general manager of ARCO Ecuador and it included this exercpt:
“[Our] decision … is to not permit the penetration of oil, mining, or logging companies in our territory… The Achuar have taken this radical decision because we have observed the environmental and social impact of twenty years of irrational oil exploitation in the north of our Amazon, and because we believe in the options for sustainable development” ( ).
Chapter 5
Chapter 5: Amautawasi Quechuan University author: Luis Macas Paradigm Wars: Indigenous Peoples’ Resistance to Globalization Edited by Jerry Mander and Victoria Tauli-Corpuz
Sierra Club books San Francisco 2006
The state of Ecuador was formed about two hundred years ago without the participation of the indigenous people and they continue to be excluded today.
There have been two large marches that the Achuar have participated in to establish their rights without becoming incorporated into the non-indigenous culture. The first one occurred in 1990 and tens of thousands of people placidly traveled through the highways and city plazas with the support of the majority of the non-?i?or ?I?ndigenous people of Ecuador; they expressed that if the government did not give the indigenous people their demands, the indigenous people would prevent government offices in Ecuador from operating.? Too long of a sentence?. The Achuar, as well as the rest of the indigenous groups, now have the rights to operate as a “collective society” and not become integrated into the state of Ecuador in the national Ecuador constitution. This was very significant because it supported their ability to practice their idea of “complementary duality”. This belief includes the worldview that society isn’t composed of individuals. Instead, it is composed of communities that live in “reciprocity”.
In 1994, thousands of indigenous people marched to the capital of Ecuador, Quito, to demand that the government authorize the permit for a university to function with four separate centers instead of one large university in the city and ?with?gr? bilingual education; if these demands were not met the indigenous people claimed that they weren’t going to let the government work since the government wasn’t letting their university work. The government agreed to their demands but they had to modify their proposal for the university four times before Ecuador’s National Council of Universities approved it.
Sierra Club books San Francisco 2006
The state of Ecuador was formed about two hundred years ago without the participation of the indigenous people and they continue to be excluded today.
There have been two large marches that the Achuar have participated in to establish their rights without becoming incorporated into the non-indigenous culture. The first one occurred in 1990 and tens of thousands of people placidly traveled through the highways and city plazas with the support of the majority of the non-?i?or ?I?ndigenous people of Ecuador; they expressed that if the government did not give the indigenous people their demands, the indigenous people would prevent government offices in Ecuador from operating.? Too long of a sentence?. The Achuar, as well as the rest of the indigenous groups, now have the rights to operate as a “collective society” and not become integrated into the state of Ecuador in the national Ecuador constitution. This was very significant because it supported their ability to practice their idea of “complementary duality”. This belief includes the worldview that society isn’t composed of individuals. Instead, it is composed of communities that live in “reciprocity”.
In 1994, thousands of indigenous people marched to the capital of Ecuador, Quito, to demand that the government authorize the permit for a university to function with four separate centers instead of one large university in the city and ?with?gr? bilingual education; if these demands were not met the indigenous people claimed that they weren’t going to let the government work since the government wasn’t letting their university work. The government agreed to their demands but they had to modify their proposal for the university four times before Ecuador’s National Council of Universities approved it.
Tribal Sovereignty Assignment
Stephanie Mott
3/21/10
NAS 332
Tribal Sovereignty Assignment
1.
2. tribal sovereignty
3. Environmental Justice is
4. nontribal members to comply with tribal water quality regulations
5
6. The federal agency didn’t do their job as completely as was required to do by law and failed to provide the tribe with information about the potential environmental hazards (Krakoff 173).
7
One regulatory difficulty tribes face when dealing with solid waste management issues is that they are considered municipalities which have a less powerful status than other organizations and usually have less services available to them. For example, states can get more money and assistance for solid waste disposal a great deal easier than municipalities (Indian tribes). Municipalities “can apply for federal funding, but” “only recently has the EPA been available” … “in” a “very limited way” “, to provide any assistance to tribes” for solid waste disposal issues (Krakoff 176-177).
There have been multiple court cases in recent years that have supported “legislative language that results in a regulatory void” and helped to reduce the control that Indian tribes have over their “reservation environment” (Krakoff 176-177). The courts in the case about a proposed landfill on Campo Mission Indian land established that Indian reservations are municipalities and the EPA doesn’t have the authority to approve tribal solid waste plans on those municipalities (Krakoff 176). In many court cases, including court cases described in this paper, the courts have established that “tribes retain inherent sovereignty to establish and maintain their own solid waste management plans”; however, “until tribes can be treated as a state under RCRA most tribes will be unable, financially and technically, to create solid waste disposal systems for their reservation lands without assistance from the federal government” (Krakoff 176-177).
If regulatory rules allowed “private commercial waste disposal companies” to operate “on” the “reservation”, this would not be a sustainable solution for two reasons (Krakoff 176-177). Tribes would encounter ?inherent conflicts of interest in establishing their regulatory programs? and most people in the tribe wouldn’t be able to pay for the use of the “private commercial waste disposal facilities” (Krakoff 176-177)
There are multiple possible solutions to the regulatory difficulties tribes face in terms of solid waste management; each solution “strengthens –gr? The tribes’-gr? Abilities-gr? To address their own environmental problems (Krakoff 179). Even though there are a variety of solutions, they all contain the common purpose of enabling the tribes’ to solve “struggles” or environmental problems “within Indian country communities” while retaining “the powers of their self-government. In addition, they all contain the common purpose of enabling the tribes’ to determine how important maintaining environmental health is in relation to creating “economic development” (Krakoff 179). Furthermore, they all contain the common purpose of enabling the tribes’ to determine how much they value “adapting and flourishing” over retaining their past and not sacrificing their future of their land, culture and /or something else (Krakoff 179-180). In order to do the ideas above, “federal assistance or statutory amendments may be required”; “the federal government must be prepared to defend vigorously the environmental self-determination that tribes already have” (Krakoff 179).
3/21/10
NAS 332
Tribal Sovereignty Assignment
1.
2. tribal sovereignty
3. Environmental Justice is
4. nontribal members to comply with tribal water quality regulations
5
6. The federal agency didn’t do their job as completely as was required to do by law and failed to provide the tribe with information about the potential environmental hazards (Krakoff 173).
7
One regulatory difficulty tribes face when dealing with solid waste management issues is that they are considered municipalities which have a less powerful status than other organizations and usually have less services available to them. For example, states can get more money and assistance for solid waste disposal a great deal easier than municipalities (Indian tribes). Municipalities “can apply for federal funding, but” “only recently has the EPA been available” … “in” a “very limited way” “, to provide any assistance to tribes” for solid waste disposal issues (Krakoff 176-177).
There have been multiple court cases in recent years that have supported “legislative language that results in a regulatory void” and helped to reduce the control that Indian tribes have over their “reservation environment” (Krakoff 176-177). The courts in the case about a proposed landfill on Campo Mission Indian land established that Indian reservations are municipalities and the EPA doesn’t have the authority to approve tribal solid waste plans on those municipalities (Krakoff 176). In many court cases, including court cases described in this paper, the courts have established that “tribes retain inherent sovereignty to establish and maintain their own solid waste management plans”; however, “until tribes can be treated as a state under RCRA most tribes will be unable, financially and technically, to create solid waste disposal systems for their reservation lands without assistance from the federal government” (Krakoff 176-177).
If regulatory rules allowed “private commercial waste disposal companies” to operate “on” the “reservation”, this would not be a sustainable solution for two reasons (Krakoff 176-177). Tribes would encounter ?inherent conflicts of interest in establishing their regulatory programs? and most people in the tribe wouldn’t be able to pay for the use of the “private commercial waste disposal facilities” (Krakoff 176-177)
There are multiple possible solutions to the regulatory difficulties tribes face in terms of solid waste management; each solution “strengthens –gr? The tribes’-gr? Abilities-gr? To address their own environmental problems (Krakoff 179). Even though there are a variety of solutions, they all contain the common purpose of enabling the tribes’ to solve “struggles” or environmental problems “within Indian country communities” while retaining “the powers of their self-government. In addition, they all contain the common purpose of enabling the tribes’ to determine how important maintaining environmental health is in relation to creating “economic development” (Krakoff 179). Furthermore, they all contain the common purpose of enabling the tribes’ to determine how much they value “adapting and flourishing” over retaining their past and not sacrificing their future of their land, culture and /or something else (Krakoff 179-180). In order to do the ideas above, “federal assistance or statutory amendments may be required”; “the federal government must be prepared to defend vigorously the environmental self-determination that tribes already have” (Krakoff 179).
Chp 3 Pulido last section UFWOC
Chp 3 Pulido last section UFWOC
1. The UFWOC was ‘obsessive’ in their use of litigation. Why was this so? (90)
“The legal undertakings were defensive actions intended to both harass and to impinge upon agribusiness as well as to achieve substantive improvements in worker and community exposure through pesticide reduction”.
2. Why was Chavez cautious with regard to the pesticide issue? (91) could expand
This issue has both external and internal impacts that can be very powerful. Chavez realized that this issue required carefully planned actions so that the workers could retain secure union jobs as well as employment in the grape industry.
3. The several lawsuits that occurred in 1968 were designed to gain access to pesticide application records. What were their demands in their attempt to settle out of court? (93)
They wanted to have more regulation and access to information on the use of the pesticides. This included having an easily accessible way to find out what was sprayed. In addition, they wanted to know the crop that the pesticide was being used on, how much was sprayed, who applied the pesticide and how they applied the pesticide. They also wanted to know when and where the pesticides were being used. This included identifying the crop that the pesticide (s) was/were being used on and the wind conditions during the application of the pesticide. They wanted to be notified three days before the application of a pesticide and written warnings in Spanish and English. The goal of these actions were to require professional sprayers to notify all farmers when they were applying “injurious materials” and to help the farmers determine how damaging to human health these pesticides would be.
4. Why were the UFWOC’s demands of disclosure put down time and time again by judges? (95, 96)
5. Why was the ‘Riverside ruling’ (Uribe v Howie, 1971) historic? (96-97)
6. Why was EDF included in the petition to reform pesticide regulations (99)
“To enhance credibility”: I don’t understand what the EDF is it seems like it is a way to make the people who would be ?e?ffected by the legislative reform seem more significant
7. Who finally won the ban on DDT? (100) EDF
8. What have the majority of US pollution control efforts emphasized? What is the difficulty with this? (102)
9. What was the big win in Solis and Torres v Fielder, 1970?
10. The UFWOC used not only propaganda sheets, but ____________sheets.
11. What was the UFWOC’s ‘brilliance’ (108)
12. What attitudes were revealed by Arnold’s quote on page 115 (116)
1. The UFWOC was ‘obsessive’ in their use of litigation. Why was this so? (90)
“The legal undertakings were defensive actions intended to both harass and to impinge upon agribusiness as well as to achieve substantive improvements in worker and community exposure through pesticide reduction”.
2. Why was Chavez cautious with regard to the pesticide issue? (91) could expand
This issue has both external and internal impacts that can be very powerful. Chavez realized that this issue required carefully planned actions so that the workers could retain secure union jobs as well as employment in the grape industry.
3. The several lawsuits that occurred in 1968 were designed to gain access to pesticide application records. What were their demands in their attempt to settle out of court? (93)
They wanted to have more regulation and access to information on the use of the pesticides. This included having an easily accessible way to find out what was sprayed. In addition, they wanted to know the crop that the pesticide was being used on, how much was sprayed, who applied the pesticide and how they applied the pesticide. They also wanted to know when and where the pesticides were being used. This included identifying the crop that the pesticide (s) was/were being used on and the wind conditions during the application of the pesticide. They wanted to be notified three days before the application of a pesticide and written warnings in Spanish and English. The goal of these actions were to require professional sprayers to notify all farmers when they were applying “injurious materials” and to help the farmers determine how damaging to human health these pesticides would be.
4. Why were the UFWOC’s demands of disclosure put down time and time again by judges? (95, 96)
5. Why was the ‘Riverside ruling’ (Uribe v Howie, 1971) historic? (96-97)
6. Why was EDF included in the petition to reform pesticide regulations (99)
“To enhance credibility”: I don’t understand what the EDF is it seems like it is a way to make the people who would be ?e?ffected by the legislative reform seem more significant
7. Who finally won the ban on DDT? (100) EDF
8. What have the majority of US pollution control efforts emphasized? What is the difficulty with this? (102)
9. What was the big win in Solis and Torres v Fielder, 1970?
10. The UFWOC used not only propaganda sheets, but ____________sheets.
11. What was the UFWOC’s ‘brilliance’ (108)
12. What attitudes were revealed by Arnold’s quote on page 115 (116)
Chp 3 Pulido last section UFWOC
Chp 3 Pulido last section UFWOC
1. The UFWOC was ‘obsessive’ in their use of litigation. Why was this so? (90)
“The legal undertakings were defensive actions intended to both harass and to impinge upon agribusiness as well as to achieve substantive improvements in worker and community exposure through pesticide reduction”.
2. Why was Chavez cautious with regard to the pesticide issue? (91) could expand
This issue has both external and internal impacts that can be very powerful. Chavez realized that this issue required carefully planned actions so that the workers could retain secure union jobs as well as employment in the grape industry.
3. The several lawsuits that occurred in 1968 were designed to gain access to pesticide application records. What were their demands in their attempt to settle out of court? (93)
They wanted to have more regulation and access to information on the use of the pesticides. This included having an easily accessible way to find out what was sprayed. In addition, they wanted to know the crop that the pesticide was being used on, how much was sprayed, who applied the pesticide and how they applied the pesticide. They also wanted to know when and where the pesticides were being used. This included identifying the crop that the pesticide (s) was/were being used on and the wind conditions during the application of the pesticide. They wanted to be notified three days before the application of a pesticide and written warnings in Spanish and English. The goal of these actions were to require professional sprayers to notify all farmers when they were applying “injurious materials” and to help the farmers determine how damaging to human health these pesticides would be.
4. Why were the UFWOC’s demands of disclosure put down time and time again by judges? (95, 96)
5. Why was the ‘Riverside ruling’ (Uribe v Howie, 1971) historic? (96-97)
6. Why was EDF included in the petition to reform pesticide regulations (99)
“To enhance credibility”: I don’t understand what the EDF is it seems like it is a way to make the people who would be ?e?ffected by the legislative reform seem more significant
7. Who finally won the ban on DDT? (100) EDF
8. What have the majority of US pollution control efforts emphasized? What is the difficulty with this? (102)
9. What was the big win in Solis and Torres v Fielder, 1970? (104)
The outcome of the court case was that Jerry Fielder, the director of CDFA, became required to do not only what his job explicitly called for, but also to do a little additional work. ?By law?, Jerry Fielder was required to control and regulate any pesticide “injurious to the environment, humans, animals or crops (Section 14001). After public input and more examination, the director must
10. The UFWOC used not only propaganda sheets, but strategy and information sheets (107).
11. What was the UFWOC’s ‘brilliance’ (108)
They created a variety of ways to allow people to become involved and thought of more than one way to get the pesticide industry and government to meet their demands. The UFWOC did workshops for groups curious about farmworkers and pesticides. They created a newspaper called El Malcriado to share more information farmworkers and pesticides. They created multiple options for participation in the movement and each level of dedication had different actions associated with it. There were three levels of dedication and the actions in the levels of dedication increased in time and effort as the level of commitment desired increased. For example,
Other reasons why these methods were so successful were because the majority of them could be done by anyone anywhere except these two The UFWOC did workshops for groups curious about farmworkers and pesticides. They created a newspaper called El Malcriado to share more information farmworkers and pesticides. But people could tell other people about the newspaper and read the newpaper even if they couldn’t be involved in writing it In addition, they could be done in combination with each other to have an even greater effect than just doing one individually.
12. What attitudes were revealed by Arnold’s quote on page 115 (116)
1. The UFWOC was ‘obsessive’ in their use of litigation. Why was this so? (90)
“The legal undertakings were defensive actions intended to both harass and to impinge upon agribusiness as well as to achieve substantive improvements in worker and community exposure through pesticide reduction”.
2. Why was Chavez cautious with regard to the pesticide issue? (91) could expand
This issue has both external and internal impacts that can be very powerful. Chavez realized that this issue required carefully planned actions so that the workers could retain secure union jobs as well as employment in the grape industry.
3. The several lawsuits that occurred in 1968 were designed to gain access to pesticide application records. What were their demands in their attempt to settle out of court? (93)
They wanted to have more regulation and access to information on the use of the pesticides. This included having an easily accessible way to find out what was sprayed. In addition, they wanted to know the crop that the pesticide was being used on, how much was sprayed, who applied the pesticide and how they applied the pesticide. They also wanted to know when and where the pesticides were being used. This included identifying the crop that the pesticide (s) was/were being used on and the wind conditions during the application of the pesticide. They wanted to be notified three days before the application of a pesticide and written warnings in Spanish and English. The goal of these actions were to require professional sprayers to notify all farmers when they were applying “injurious materials” and to help the farmers determine how damaging to human health these pesticides would be.
4. Why were the UFWOC’s demands of disclosure put down time and time again by judges? (95, 96)
5. Why was the ‘Riverside ruling’ (Uribe v Howie, 1971) historic? (96-97)
6. Why was EDF included in the petition to reform pesticide regulations (99)
“To enhance credibility”: I don’t understand what the EDF is it seems like it is a way to make the people who would be ?e?ffected by the legislative reform seem more significant
7. Who finally won the ban on DDT? (100) EDF
8. What have the majority of US pollution control efforts emphasized? What is the difficulty with this? (102)
9. What was the big win in Solis and Torres v Fielder, 1970? (104)
The outcome of the court case was that Jerry Fielder, the director of CDFA, became required to do not only what his job explicitly called for, but also to do a little additional work. ?By law?, Jerry Fielder was required to control and regulate any pesticide “injurious to the environment, humans, animals or crops (Section 14001). After public input and more examination, the director must
10. The UFWOC used not only propaganda sheets, but strategy and information sheets (107).
11. What was the UFWOC’s ‘brilliance’ (108)
They created a variety of ways to allow people to become involved and thought of more than one way to get the pesticide industry and government to meet their demands. The UFWOC did workshops for groups curious about farmworkers and pesticides. They created a newspaper called El Malcriado to share more information farmworkers and pesticides. They created multiple options for participation in the movement and each level of dedication had different actions associated with it. There were three levels of dedication and the actions in the levels of dedication increased in time and effort as the level of commitment desired increased. For example,
Other reasons why these methods were so successful were because the majority of them could be done by anyone anywhere except these two The UFWOC did workshops for groups curious about farmworkers and pesticides. They created a newspaper called El Malcriado to share more information farmworkers and pesticides. But people could tell other people about the newspaper and read the newpaper even if they couldn’t be involved in writing it In addition, they could be done in combination with each other to have an even greater effect than just doing one individually.
12. What attitudes were revealed by Arnold’s quote on page 115 (116)
Chp 3 Pulido last section UFWOC
Chp 3 Pulido last section UFWOC
1. The UFWOC was ‘obsessive’ in their use of litigation. Why was this so? (90)
“The legal undertakings were defensive actions intended to both harass and to impinge upon agribusiness as well as to achieve substantive improvements in worker and community exposure through pesticide reduction”.
2. Why was Chavez cautious with regard to the pesticide issue? (91) could expand
This issue has both external and internal impacts that can be very powerful. Chavez realized that this issue required carefully planned actions so that the workers could retain secure union jobs as well as employment in the grape industry.
3. The several lawsuits that occurred in 1968 were designed to gain access to pesticide application records. What were their demands in their attempt to settle out of court? (93)
They wanted to have more regulation and access to information on the use of the pesticides. This included having an easily accessible way to find out what was sprayed. In addition, they wanted to know the crop that the pesticide was being used on, how much was sprayed, who applied the pesticide and how they applied the pesticide. They also wanted to know when and where the pesticides were being used. This included identifying the crop that the pesticide (s) was/were being used on and the wind conditions during the application of the pesticide. They wanted to be notified three days before the application of a pesticide and written warnings in Spanish and English. The goal of these actions were to require professional sprayers to notify all farmers when they were applying “injurious materials” and to help the farmers determine how damaging to human health these pesticides would be.
4. Why were the UFWOC’s demands of disclosure put down time and time again by judges? (95, 96)
5. Why was the ‘Riverside ruling’ (Uribe v Howie, 1971) historic? (96-97)
6. Why was EDF included in the petition to reform pesticide regulations (99)
“To enhance credibility”: I don’t understand what the EDF is it seems like it is a way to make the people who would be ?e?ffected by the legislative reform seem more significant
7. Who finally won the ban on DDT? (100) EDF
8. What have the majority of US pollution control efforts emphasized? What is the difficulty with this? (102)
9. What was the big win in Solis and Torres v Fielder, 1970? (104)
The outcome of the court case was that Jerry Fielder, the director of CDFA, became required to do not only what his job explicitly called for, but also to do a little additional work. ?By law?, Jerry Fielder was required to control and regulate any pesticide “injurious to the environment, humans, animals or crops (Section 14001). After public input and more examination, the director must
10. The UFWOC used not only propaganda sheets, but strategy and information sheets (107).
11. What was the UFWOC’s ‘brilliance’ (108)
They created a variety of ways to allow people to become involved and thought of more than one way to get the pesticide industry and government to meet their demands (Pulido 108). The UFWOC did workshops for groups curious about farmworkers and pesticides (Pulido 108). They created a newspaper called El Malcriado to share more information farmworkers and pesticide s(Pulido 108). They created multiple options for participation in the movement and each level of dedication had different actions associated with it (Pulido 108). There were three levels of dedication and the actions in the levels of dedication increased in time and effort as the level of commitment desired increased (Pulido 108) For example, people with limited time could donate to the la causa fund or not buy grapes (Pulido 108). People with more time and interest could become part of a letter writing campaign or do social advocacy actions such as picketing at places where products were being sold that were produced in a way that was unhealthy for farmworkers (Pulido 108). People with the most interest and time could become organizers (Pulido 108).
Other reasons why these methods were so successful were because the majority of them could be done by anyone anywhere except the UFWOC workshops and the creation of the newspaper El Malcriado. However, even though everyone couldn’t participate in these exact two things, they could read the newspaper as well as other publications and tell people that don’t have access to the workshops about the information contained in these publications. In addition, they could be done in combination with each other to have an even greater effect than just doing one individually. For example, if a person had a great amount of time and money, they could donate to the la causa fund, not buy grapes, and be an organizer. In addition, it seems like they could become part of a letter writing campaign and participate in social advocacy actions if these didn’t conflict with the days and times that were spent being an organizer.
12. What attitudes were revealed by Arnold’s quote on page 115 (116) Could add more about what he unexplicitly says about nature and env regulation
He expressed that committee should only have the right to control what chemicals are being used if the employer is not following legal regulations; committees should have no power to suggest altering regulations, they should only be able to make sure that current laws are upheld 115. According to Arnold’s quote, decision making bodies, usually the courts and legislature, should have all of the power to change laws?,? and committees should just have the power to help enforce laws. Since the decision making bodies have the sole power to change laws, he is expressing the attitude that the decision making bodies are not ?a?ffected by politics, especially agribusiness politics, and are unbaised. Another attitude was the local knowledge and personal experience are not valuable or scientific primarily because they are too biased when he said that a committee would be too emotionally attached to be able to make a decision about how chemicals should be used in agricultural production. When he says that decisions about what chemicals are acceptable to use “should be made by experts”, he expresses the attitudes that people with just local knowledge and personal experience can’t be experts because they havn’t been formally trained or educated 115. In addition, he is expressing the attitude that experts will be the least biased, including politically biased, people to make the decision about what chemicals are safe to use.
1. The UFWOC was ‘obsessive’ in their use of litigation. Why was this so? (90)
“The legal undertakings were defensive actions intended to both harass and to impinge upon agribusiness as well as to achieve substantive improvements in worker and community exposure through pesticide reduction”.
2. Why was Chavez cautious with regard to the pesticide issue? (91) could expand
This issue has both external and internal impacts that can be very powerful. Chavez realized that this issue required carefully planned actions so that the workers could retain secure union jobs as well as employment in the grape industry.
3. The several lawsuits that occurred in 1968 were designed to gain access to pesticide application records. What were their demands in their attempt to settle out of court? (93)
They wanted to have more regulation and access to information on the use of the pesticides. This included having an easily accessible way to find out what was sprayed. In addition, they wanted to know the crop that the pesticide was being used on, how much was sprayed, who applied the pesticide and how they applied the pesticide. They also wanted to know when and where the pesticides were being used. This included identifying the crop that the pesticide (s) was/were being used on and the wind conditions during the application of the pesticide. They wanted to be notified three days before the application of a pesticide and written warnings in Spanish and English. The goal of these actions were to require professional sprayers to notify all farmers when they were applying “injurious materials” and to help the farmers determine how damaging to human health these pesticides would be.
4. Why were the UFWOC’s demands of disclosure put down time and time again by judges? (95, 96)
5. Why was the ‘Riverside ruling’ (Uribe v Howie, 1971) historic? (96-97)
6. Why was EDF included in the petition to reform pesticide regulations (99)
“To enhance credibility”: I don’t understand what the EDF is it seems like it is a way to make the people who would be ?e?ffected by the legislative reform seem more significant
7. Who finally won the ban on DDT? (100) EDF
8. What have the majority of US pollution control efforts emphasized? What is the difficulty with this? (102)
9. What was the big win in Solis and Torres v Fielder, 1970? (104)
The outcome of the court case was that Jerry Fielder, the director of CDFA, became required to do not only what his job explicitly called for, but also to do a little additional work. ?By law?, Jerry Fielder was required to control and regulate any pesticide “injurious to the environment, humans, animals or crops (Section 14001). After public input and more examination, the director must
10. The UFWOC used not only propaganda sheets, but strategy and information sheets (107).
11. What was the UFWOC’s ‘brilliance’ (108)
They created a variety of ways to allow people to become involved and thought of more than one way to get the pesticide industry and government to meet their demands (Pulido 108). The UFWOC did workshops for groups curious about farmworkers and pesticides (Pulido 108). They created a newspaper called El Malcriado to share more information farmworkers and pesticide s(Pulido 108). They created multiple options for participation in the movement and each level of dedication had different actions associated with it (Pulido 108). There were three levels of dedication and the actions in the levels of dedication increased in time and effort as the level of commitment desired increased (Pulido 108) For example, people with limited time could donate to the la causa fund or not buy grapes (Pulido 108). People with more time and interest could become part of a letter writing campaign or do social advocacy actions such as picketing at places where products were being sold that were produced in a way that was unhealthy for farmworkers (Pulido 108). People with the most interest and time could become organizers (Pulido 108).
Other reasons why these methods were so successful were because the majority of them could be done by anyone anywhere except the UFWOC workshops and the creation of the newspaper El Malcriado. However, even though everyone couldn’t participate in these exact two things, they could read the newspaper as well as other publications and tell people that don’t have access to the workshops about the information contained in these publications. In addition, they could be done in combination with each other to have an even greater effect than just doing one individually. For example, if a person had a great amount of time and money, they could donate to the la causa fund, not buy grapes, and be an organizer. In addition, it seems like they could become part of a letter writing campaign and participate in social advocacy actions if these didn’t conflict with the days and times that were spent being an organizer.
12. What attitudes were revealed by Arnold’s quote on page 115 (116) Could add more about what he unexplicitly says about nature and env regulation
He expressed that committee should only have the right to control what chemicals are being used if the employer is not following legal regulations; committees should have no power to suggest altering regulations, they should only be able to make sure that current laws are upheld 115. According to Arnold’s quote, decision making bodies, usually the courts and legislature, should have all of the power to change laws?,? and committees should just have the power to help enforce laws. Since the decision making bodies have the sole power to change laws, he is expressing the attitude that the decision making bodies are not ?a?ffected by politics, especially agribusiness politics, and are unbaised. Another attitude was the local knowledge and personal experience are not valuable or scientific primarily because they are too biased when he said that a committee would be too emotionally attached to be able to make a decision about how chemicals should be used in agricultural production. When he says that decisions about what chemicals are acceptable to use “should be made by experts”, he expresses the attitudes that people with just local knowledge and personal experience can’t be experts because they havn’t been formally trained or educated 115. In addition, he is expressing the attitude that experts will be the least biased, including politically biased, people to make the decision about what chemicals are safe to use.
NEPA in Indian Country
Stephanie Mott
Env Justice
NEPA in Indian Country
1. Minorities usually have racial classifications whereas NDNs usually have political classifications. NDNs have communicated that they want to have a right to be different rather than be treated equally under the law like minorities are. This has resulted in a right to “measured separatism” ( 229). This gives Congress the constitutional power to make statutes that treat ?a?ffect Indians differently than other citizens including minorities; these statutes usually don’t provide the equal constitutional rights that Indians should receive. The measured separatism of NDNs can lead to them receiving less resources than if they were legally intermixed like the minorities are with the rest of the population of the country. In the chapter they say the legal laws that apply to Indian country produce “… environmental regulatory infrastructure that is simply not comparable to that of the rest of the country” ( 228). NDNs are sovereign governments and other minorities are not. Mainstream American society has established significant limits on tribal sovereignty; this has resulted in Indians having absolutely no control over some aspects of their sovereignty that non-Indian minorities would have control over. The non-NDNs minorities have their rights solely contained in the Constitution and a very limited number of court cases. Most of these court cases have improved minority rights unlike tribal sovereignty cases which have usually supported not improving tribal rights. Minorities are able to receive services that help them follow political laws and prevent political battles much easier than NDNs because the plenary power doctrines that Congress applies to NDNS make it so.
2. “The BIA or another federal agency proposes to take an action affecting the environment” ( 230). “… a federal agency has provided funding to a tribal government” ( 230). “… a tribe or tribal enterprise has arranged for private financing but still needs BIA approval for a transaction involving trust land” ( 230).
3. It requires that “…before any federal agency takes an action “significantly affecting the quality of the human environment,” the agency must prepare an environmental impact statement (EIS)” ( 230).
4. The President’s Council on Environmental Quality which is abbreviated as CEQ.
5. There are nine steps that are required to prepare an EIS. The first step is to do a “notice of intent” to make the EIS ( 230). The second step is to do a “scoping processes,” “in which interested persons, organizations, and governmental entities discuss the kinds of environmental impacts that might result from the proposed action and ways to avoid or mitigate the adverse impacts, including alternatives to the proposed action” ( 230). The third step is to do write a rough draft of the EIS with any methods that may be needed to get data or to investigate specific concerns. The fourth step is to make the draft GIS viewable for the public to review or comment on. The fifth step is to have a “public comment period” ( 231). The sixth step is to make a final EIS that includes public input received for the draft GIS. The seventh step is the distribution of the final EIS. The eighth step is giving other federal agencies thirty days to comment on the final EIS. The ninth step is to decide what action to take. The action chosen is usually either doing the original action or doing an action that was suggested by the final EIS.
6. An EA is an environmental assessment and is used to determine if the “impacts of a proposed action” will be severe enough to require an EIS to be done. An EA is prepared when one or more of the steps that a proposed federal action will take require a “case-by-case basis” environmental review document analysis to determine whether the actions will have significant environmental impacts that require an EIS to be written ( 231).
7. FONSI can be used in corruptive ways in the NEPA process. A FONSI means the environmental impacts of the proposed actions will not be significant. A FONSI document is officially called a finding of no significant impact document. A FONSI is only supposed to be signed after the federal official responsible for NEPA compliance determines, based on an EA, that the impacts will not be significant. It is very easy for the requirements of NEPA to be done corruptly when there is an EA and a FONSI that are used to fulfill those requirements because there are only a few people that can dispute this action and request that an actual EIS be completed. A “higher level federal official” can reverse the EA and FONSI decision ( 231-232). The other option is that someone could “sue the federal agency and obtain an order from an appeals board or a federal court directing the agency to prepare an EIS” ( 232). “If the federal official determines that the impacts will or may be significant, than an EIS is required” ( 232). When the NEPA process requires an EA, “the responsible federal official can decide to skip the EA step if … it becomes apparent that an EA will not support a FONSI …” ( 232). There doesn’t seem to be any way to hold anyone accountable to explain why the EA step was skipped. No ( )
8. It is “the proponent of an “externally initiated” action ( 233).
9. It is to “rewrite the EA and add mitigation measures to reduce the severity of the impacts” ( 234)
10. There is lack of public involvement ( 234)
11
12. It is “to protect the rights of tribes to continue to exist as self-governing nations within” the land that has been agreed by both sides to be used as Indian tribal land and hopefully is still their ancestral land ( 242)
13.
Env Justice
NEPA in Indian Country
1. Minorities usually have racial classifications whereas NDNs usually have political classifications. NDNs have communicated that they want to have a right to be different rather than be treated equally under the law like minorities are. This has resulted in a right to “measured separatism” ( 229). This gives Congress the constitutional power to make statutes that treat ?a?ffect Indians differently than other citizens including minorities; these statutes usually don’t provide the equal constitutional rights that Indians should receive. The measured separatism of NDNs can lead to them receiving less resources than if they were legally intermixed like the minorities are with the rest of the population of the country. In the chapter they say the legal laws that apply to Indian country produce “… environmental regulatory infrastructure that is simply not comparable to that of the rest of the country” ( 228). NDNs are sovereign governments and other minorities are not. Mainstream American society has established significant limits on tribal sovereignty; this has resulted in Indians having absolutely no control over some aspects of their sovereignty that non-Indian minorities would have control over. The non-NDNs minorities have their rights solely contained in the Constitution and a very limited number of court cases. Most of these court cases have improved minority rights unlike tribal sovereignty cases which have usually supported not improving tribal rights. Minorities are able to receive services that help them follow political laws and prevent political battles much easier than NDNs because the plenary power doctrines that Congress applies to NDNS make it so.
2. “The BIA or another federal agency proposes to take an action affecting the environment” ( 230). “… a federal agency has provided funding to a tribal government” ( 230). “… a tribe or tribal enterprise has arranged for private financing but still needs BIA approval for a transaction involving trust land” ( 230).
3. It requires that “…before any federal agency takes an action “significantly affecting the quality of the human environment,” the agency must prepare an environmental impact statement (EIS)” ( 230).
4. The President’s Council on Environmental Quality which is abbreviated as CEQ.
5. There are nine steps that are required to prepare an EIS. The first step is to do a “notice of intent” to make the EIS ( 230). The second step is to do a “scoping processes,” “in which interested persons, organizations, and governmental entities discuss the kinds of environmental impacts that might result from the proposed action and ways to avoid or mitigate the adverse impacts, including alternatives to the proposed action” ( 230). The third step is to do write a rough draft of the EIS with any methods that may be needed to get data or to investigate specific concerns. The fourth step is to make the draft GIS viewable for the public to review or comment on. The fifth step is to have a “public comment period” ( 231). The sixth step is to make a final EIS that includes public input received for the draft GIS. The seventh step is the distribution of the final EIS. The eighth step is giving other federal agencies thirty days to comment on the final EIS. The ninth step is to decide what action to take. The action chosen is usually either doing the original action or doing an action that was suggested by the final EIS.
6. An EA is an environmental assessment and is used to determine if the “impacts of a proposed action” will be severe enough to require an EIS to be done. An EA is prepared when one or more of the steps that a proposed federal action will take require a “case-by-case basis” environmental review document analysis to determine whether the actions will have significant environmental impacts that require an EIS to be written ( 231).
7. FONSI can be used in corruptive ways in the NEPA process. A FONSI means the environmental impacts of the proposed actions will not be significant. A FONSI document is officially called a finding of no significant impact document. A FONSI is only supposed to be signed after the federal official responsible for NEPA compliance determines, based on an EA, that the impacts will not be significant. It is very easy for the requirements of NEPA to be done corruptly when there is an EA and a FONSI that are used to fulfill those requirements because there are only a few people that can dispute this action and request that an actual EIS be completed. A “higher level federal official” can reverse the EA and FONSI decision ( 231-232). The other option is that someone could “sue the federal agency and obtain an order from an appeals board or a federal court directing the agency to prepare an EIS” ( 232). “If the federal official determines that the impacts will or may be significant, than an EIS is required” ( 232). When the NEPA process requires an EA, “the responsible federal official can decide to skip the EA step if … it becomes apparent that an EA will not support a FONSI …” ( 232). There doesn’t seem to be any way to hold anyone accountable to explain why the EA step was skipped. No ( )
8. It is “the proponent of an “externally initiated” action ( 233).
9. It is to “rewrite the EA and add mitigation measures to reduce the severity of the impacts” ( 234)
10. There is lack of public involvement ( 234)
11
12. It is “to protect the rights of tribes to continue to exist as self-governing nations within” the land that has been agreed by both sides to be used as Indian tribal land and hopefully is still their ancestral land ( 242)
13.
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